The year 2026 marks the 250th anniversary of the writing of the Declaration of Independence by statesman Thomas Jefferson. This numerical marker makes a good time to reflect on the multidimensional significance of the historic document and its continued relevance today. The Declaration of Independence has been called the “birth certificate” of the United States of America laying the ideological justification not only for the breach from the Kingdom of Great Britain, but also for the philosophical, political, and moral underpinnings of what was at the time the creation of a radically new type of nation state.
The Declaration of Independence is not a long document. It is only 1320 words. And most of those words are an enumeration of grievances against King George III and the British Parliament. The document is a rationale, a justification for why the residents of the British colonies of North America were warranted in severing ties with the Crown and establishing a new independent nation. This defense was well reasoned. Indeed, the reasoning applied by Jefferson on behalf of the revolutionary founders of the United States was demonstrative of the times during which this act occurred and the intellectual shift underway in the western body politic.
The late eighteenth century of Europe, and by extension America, was immersed in the historic period known as the Enlightenment. The Age of Reason, as it is also known, spanned from the late seventeenth century until the early nineteenth century. It was a philosophical and cultural progression that broke away from the traditions, beliefs, and superstitions associated with orthodoxies stemming from church, folklore, and monarchies. Rather, the intellectualism of this period encouraged rational thought, individualism, liberty, science, and religious tolerance. It marked a historically profound cultural, philosophical, technological, and political shift that continues to define our world today.
The American and French revolutions, and indeed the transition to democratic governance across many of the globe’s nation states, is attributed to the Enlightenment. In the modern era, even here in the US, many citizens are unaware of the philosophical foundation which led to the ideological establishment of the American republic. As school children we learn about the highlights of American history and customs and collectively think that is just the way it is, no questions asked. In adulthood we align ourselves politically with like-minded groups such as political parties, religious congregations and other values-based affiliations, but except for a few educated or curious individuals we do not spend much, if any, time thinking about how we got to be the commonwealth we see in existence today. The 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence is a good time for such a history lesson.
Since we are products of the Enlightenment, some background on how this groundbreaking movement began is pertinent. Social contract theory is the name we today give to the ideological evolution of individual people defining how we can most ideally live and flourish together, while avoiding the chaos and destruction of anarchy and disorder. With roots going back to antiquity, social contract theory gained extraordinary prominence through the works of a number of Enlightenment-era philosophers, notably Hobbs, Locke, Rousseau, and Voltaire. What these thinkers had in common was a belief in social order which would emerge from an emphasis on individual rights.
Prior to the Enlightenment most individuals found themselves to be either serfs, subjects, or slaves. The concept of citizen, as we know of it today, did not exist. These thinkers realized that humane societal organization depended on each individual having inviolable and absolute entitlements. Once it was agreed by all that each individual possessed birthright advantages that left them enabled to flourish as they saw fit, then individual lives would be enhanced and by extension the peace and prosperity of the collective would be strengthened. Justice in this new world order would be defined as each individual having the right of freedom to choose how to live their lives within the confines of respecting and honoring similar rights of all other individuals.
To ensure that such a society could function the notion of rights had to be carefully and succinctly articulated. Rights had to be widely accepted as credible and fair. They needed to be seen as foundationally natural, if not divinely inspired. Jefferson understood this. He knew that the justification for revolution, separation from Britain, and grounds for building a new nation needed to rest on a sound philosophical and reasoned cornerstone. The Declaration of Independence was to be the principled edict sturdy enough to bear this load.
To meet this challenge, Jefferson began the document by supporting and vindicating the founders’ actions on “the Laws of Nature” and “Nature’s God”. The concept of natural law, going back to Aquinas’s illumination of the construct in the thirteenth century, has been used to substantiate morally disruptive actions at key points in history, including in the case of the American Revolution. Jefferson realized that basing social and political progress on individual rights was crucial. The right to revolution and the right to form a government of, by, and for the people were extensions of the principle of individual rights. By associating the principle of human rights with nature and the divine was a powerful relationship to establish. The regimes of monarchy and the church could not match this claim intellectually. They had to rely on raw power instead to resist the ideology of democracy.
The sentence written by the quill of Thomas Jefferson which has endured the most over the past two hundred fifty years is, “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It cannot be overstated how profound this statement is in the history of human and social development. Jefferson, on behalf of progressive Enlightenment thinkers everywhere, concisely secured specific human individual rights to an endowment by God. By utilizing the tradition of natural law Jefferson identified the rights of all persons as a key feature of life itself, to freely dictate how that life is to be lived, and with a nod to Epicurus that a life in search of happiness is entirely permissible, if not warranted.
Jefferson and indeed most of the founders of the United States, in what has to be one of the great ironies of history, were heavily influenced by the British philosopher John Locke. Locke conceived of a state of nature—an original and innate condition of human life—as possessing the individual right to achieve and to preserve “lives, liberties and estates”. (By “estates” Locke meant property or the right to a safe and secure shelter.) Locke’s view of the state of nature was one of several competing for attention during the Enlightenment. They ranged from Hobbes’s pessimistic view that man was basically a self-interested egomaniac striving for grasping whatever they could from life no matter the consequences to others to Rousseau’s perspective that man is essentially a “noble savage” corrupted by having to live with others in an immoral power sharing churn called civilization. Locke’s state of nature could be seen as more optimistic. He identifies divinely inspired rights and the capacity to reason within humankind which give people the tools to rise above chaos, disorder, and misery. Practically speaking, we arrive at government by consent of the people with the prerogative to overthrow oppressive rulers so that the rights of all are protected. This outlook of the state of nature was the one adopted by the founders and is best articulated in the Declaration of Independence.
What sets apart the United States from most other nations in the world is that America rests on a bedrock of an idea. This simple but penetrating fact says a lot about why the United States is a grand cultural, social, philosophical, and political experiment. To better appreciate the conceptual novelty of the founding of the United States it helps to put the nation’s beginning into a formative perspective. When the modern nation-state began to emerge in Europe and then quickly spread worldwide in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries they were most often examples of ethnic and cultural groups practicing self-determination. Countries aligned self-identity with shared culture, including identity, language, and ancestry. Indeed, even today many of the globe’s nations contain an ethnic homogeneity. It is estimated that seventy to eighty percent of the world’s countries have common ethnicity within their borders as their chief identifying feature.
When America’s founders established a new nation on the idea of unalienable rights of freedom and equality they did not specify ethnic or cultural purity as a distinguishing national trait. Nor were any such attributes of tribal affiliation specified within the Declaration of Independence. Rather, to be an American meant allegiance to the fundamental ideas of government of, by, and for free and equal people, who were justified in overthrowing a tyrannical government that did not adhere to the principles of legitimate government and the individual rights of all citizens. Whereas most nations are based on native and historic characteristics of the residents, the United States was created on a grand and aspirational design—a scheme for a new and liberating way for people to flourish. This intentional national formation is intrinsic to what the United States is as a nation and to what Americans are as citizens.
Much is said, and rightly so, that the founders, including Jefferson himself, did not live up to the ideals contained in the Declaration. That is a fair criticism. As slave owners and as part of a dominating white onslaught which led to the deaths of countless indigenous peoples, the founders can hardly be called saints. They were instead a collective of flawed humans who were trying to make the world a better place, albeit incompletely and insufficiently. Should the lived reality of the founders and of the British colonists in general have been the standard of validity for the setting of future goals? Or could an aspiring ideal, a mission greater than the status quo, be the objective instead? As individual persons we often try to improve our lot emotionally, intellectually, financially, and in many other ways. We do not allow our current states to determine the courses of our lives forever. Similarly, the founders deserve respect and admiration for crafting an eloquent political construct based on Lockian principles. Theoretical, sanguine, and high-minded? Yes it was. Thank God!
What is more concerning to the American experiment is the lack of consensus internally regarding the ideals of Enlightenment-inspired democracy. In short, there is continual evidence throughout American history that there are significant numbers of citizens who do not believe and accept the full text of the Declaration of Independence. In particular, there is a segment of the political spectrum that rejects the notion of “…all men are created equal…”. The heart of the Declaration is its embrace of the pillars of liberty and equality. Freedom without equality is incomplete and a denial of universal rights. Freedom without equality means that liberty is reserved for an elite, a chosen constituency. Freedom without equality accepts a population of haves and have-nots, of privilege and disentitlement, of us and them.
This dismissal of equality was clearly evident in the history of American slavery. Humans who lived in this country were denied legal personhood, freedom, consent in government, and the ability to own property. Slavery was a complete contradiction of “unalienable rights”. Proslavery intellectuals in the American South such as John Randolph referred to the equality clause in the Declaration as a “pernicious falsehood”. John C. Calhoun’s take on the clause was that there was “not a word of truth in it” and Alexander Stephens, the Confederacy’s vice president proudly claimed that the Confederacy stood its ground on the idea that Black people were not equal. Senator James Henry Hammond, a Democrat from South Carolina in 1858 captured the sentiment of anti-equality tersely when referencing what he called “the mudsill of society and political government.” The mudsill upheld “…that other class which leads progress, civilization, and refinement. We use them for our purpose, and call them slaves.”
Racism is America’s original sin. Even after slavery was outlawed the stench of racism and anti-equality has lingered over the US. In the years after the Civil War Jim Crow laws, disenfranchisement, terrorism, segregation, and murder were directed at African Americans. Indeed, the use of democratic laws have been used to structure a society promoting a white ruling class that has had dominion over the basic rights of others. This country still struggles with a de facto caste system based on race, wealth, and traditional power. And this competition for universal unalienable rights has not been limited to African Americans. Native Americans, poor whites, and many immigrant groups have striven for a legal and social expression of the reality articulated in the Declaration of Independence.
This lack of consensus may lead to the undoing of the American experiment. An intrinsically true practice of democracy requires the complement of liberty and equality even as these principles also create a tension that needs continual calibration. Given the natural state of humans, unfettered freedom leads to the hording of power and wealth noted above, whereas unrestricted equality can result in a homogenizing of society such that individualism is smothered. Neither freedom nor equality in isolation is the better doctrine. As messy as the marriage of the two precepts can often be they must exist in tandem. Divorce is not an option.
The American historian and journalist Colin Woodward talks and writes about the need for a common agreed upon story that defines and unites all Americans. A story that replaces the lack of a shared ethnic heritage based on common ancestry or religion which coalesces many of the world’s nations. A unifying cultural/national story includes customarily accepted beliefs about national origins, purpose, who belongs, and future goals. Without such an integrative narrative cooperative action and basic perseverance are at risk. Woodward’s approach is to look to the Declaration of Independence for this story. This sentiment has merit. And what better time for the country to reflect on this story than now during our 250th celebration and when the country is so starkly divided on just what our legacy and mission truly is.
To base a national narrative on the premise expressed in the Declaration means to accept the concept of natural rights. The elements we most revere in the Declaration, foundational values of government of, by, and for free and equal people, including the right of revolution, are pragmatic linguistic expressions affirming that we are born with these natural rights. Whether handed down by God or as the primary a priori essence of being human we share a core and collective vitality with all others that is enhanced by the capacity to act as free individual agents. We do not all have to believe in a common religion to have this creed shape our national story. However, we all do have to endorse that everyone who can claim American citizenship, if not beyond, is born with natural unalienable rights.
The natural rights justification for a harmonizing national story stands in contrast to a competing claim that has appeared throughout American history—ethnonationalism. When social legitimacy is centered on restrictive standards such as ethnicity than exclusion of others becomes justified. Basing the authenticity of a person within the general community on their ethnic or racial origins, on what religion or lack of religion is practiced by their kin, on which gender they are, on their sexual orientation, on the geography of their birth, or on any number of exclusionary criteria meant to separate us as a people rather than to connect us is a divisive and therefore dysfunctional basis for democratic nationalism.
Nationalism without a rudimentary degree of oneness is contradictory. It makes no sense. Something rightful must underly the population of a nation. This places an obligation on each and every citizen to find a common ground, a central throughline, a brotherhood and sisterhood, which fuses the disparate members of the country into a true nation. It is worth reflecting on what our individual default mode is when we encounter another person, especially someone who is a stranger to us. Do we immediately look for and latch onto differences between them and us or do we open ourselves up to detecting attributes we have mutually? The latter promotes civility and acceptance. The former does not.
Blood and soil ethnonationalism is not the salvation for our nation. It can only lead to unnecessary and painful fragmentation and conflict. The United States is a diverse and multicultural country. Indeed, our success as a nation is rooted in our multiplicity. The welcoming of others from around the world to participate in this grand social, political, and cultural experiment of freedom and equality is embedded within the fabric of who we are as a people. Any American citizen, whether first generation naturalized or a descendent from the Mayflower can lay claim to their free and equal place within this multitude. This is the heart of our story.
At Gettysburg, Pennsylvania Abraham Lincoln crystallized the American story. “Four score and seven years ago,” he told an audience in November 1863, “our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.” On this, the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, we can rededicate ourselves to this proposition, to the sentiment of our founders. We can again repair the breech as history calls us once more to do. And from this collective effort we can emerge as a more perfect union.







