Ten Briefs IV

Green

They say the earth is blue

To me it is green

I love green

in all of its bold and subtle shades such as

Chartreuse

Emerald

Lime

Aquamarine

Teal

Bottle

Glaucous

Asparagus

Olive

Celadon

Jade

Malachite

Sage

Forest

Spring

Viridian

Persian

Tea

Jungle

Ah, yes. I love Green!

 

The Great Cloud

The Great Cloud held

Space and time

The Great Cloud was not only vast

It was pervasive

The Great Cloud was also

Laden with life

Never more and never less

Neither created nor destroyed

Continuously bursting

Spewing forth

Drops of life

The drops of life were

Meant to exist briefly

Beginning and end

Moments to shine

Moments to flicker

Moments to expire

These drops of life plunge

From The Great Cloud

To the Earth

Kissing its surface

Playing out their lives

Glowing with vitality

The drops of life descend

En masse in a never ending

Cascade of purposeful process

Reaching for their space to be

To express their lives

The drops of life plummet

As a collective

But once on Earth

They prevail as individuals

Some extinguish and evaporate

Instantly

Many others carry on for a

Long while

Some drops of life live

Their lives in water

Others on land

Some nourish plants and

Animals

Others add to the seas

Some make mud

Others shape beautiful pools

Together the drops of life bestow

Action and composition

To the Earth

They sustain meaning and

A means for existence

To look back upon

Itself

Over time

The intention of each

Drop of life is

Completed

The Sun and the Earth

Let each drop know

When its manifestation is

Fulfilled

The drops of life become

Vapor

They rise to rejoin

The Great Cloud

Home again in the

Bosom of all that is

Needed

In preparation for

The next journey to

The earth

To begin anew

 

The Green Dome

It starts as buds

Reddish ones

Together blending

Into a blush

Some rain

Some sun

Climbing temperatures

Convert the red

To green

The freshest and most

Succulent green

Short maples and

Beeches

Begin to form the

Dome’s walls

In time the

Oaks

Always late to the

Party

Fill in the

Canopy

For the next

Five months

We will live

Under the

Green Dome

Protected

Shaded

Its grandeur and

Beauty

Still awes

After nearly

Two Hundred

Years

On this little

Patch of

Land on

The edge of the

Woods

 

New Year’s Eve

He was thirteen years old

awaiting the clock

to strike midnight

on New year’s Eve 1966

As the time approached

for 1967 to begin

he wanted to look out

of his bedroom window

into the still, dark, and cold

winter night

What might happen

at the moment

when the year shifted?

Might there be a sign

of some sort?

Maybe something to sense

or detect?

He looked closely

anticipating

When 1966 yielded

to 1967 the boy

saw, heard, and felt nothing.

The world remained

the same

The stillness, darkness,

and coldness was unmoved

The start of new year was

anticlimactic

Nature cared not for the

human construct of time

The world exists as it does

whether it is observed

or not

What humans mark as important

matters not to the

external world

We are we

and it is it

So he went to bed

unimpressed, but wiser

The world of man may

enthrall

yet it is of minor importance

when contrasted with

the world

as it really is

 

Dureé

Henri Bergson said that

“time is not space.”

Space we can quantify

True time is not quantified

Yes, there are

Seconds, minutes, hours, days, years, etc.

But true time is dureé

A moment is but

An instant

An occasion of awareness

Moments are not measured

Moments are felt

They are experienced

Together moments comprise

A life

Dureé is pure temporality

Sheer occurrence

Not sliced and diced

by units of measurement

Dureé is the

lived flow of consciousness

 

A Conversation

They sat at a small table

In a far corner of the coffee shop

“I’m bored with my marriage,” he said

His friend listened quietly

“I know I should be content with all

Of the good things.”

“And I do still love her.”

“I think I always will.”

“But I don’t know

What it is like to be

Truly free.”

“I’ve never in all of my life

Been in a situation where

I can just pick up and go

Wherever and whenever I want to.”

“From the time I was a child

There have always been constraints.”

“I’m afraid that I now feel

Like my wife has become another one.”

“So, what is missing?” asked the friend

“My sense of autonomy,” he said

“The ability to make decisions without compromise.”

“I don’t know how to feel strong.

How to truly stand on my own.”

“Okay,” said the friend

“But I’m scared.”

“Scared of what?” asked the friend

“Scared of being alone. Scared of not sleeping.

Lying in the dark of the night.

All alone.”

“Pacing the house with no one

To talk to.”

“And I still love her.”

They looked at each other.

Quietly.

There was nothing more to be said

At that moment

 

Clean Fill Wanted

Homemade signs nailed to trees

Where they are visible to passing vehicles

Landowners pleading for clean fill

To backfill and to replace the unsightly

And weak hollows of their properties

The requested material must be free of contaminants

No hazardous or man-made waste materials

Just simple soil, gravel, or sand

The basic substance of the earth

Being repurposed to smooth out and to reinforce

The land which had been disturbed

In our need for development and transformation

Our desire to shape and to polish

The earth as we found it

But which we found lacking and incomplete

And in need of our interventions to add value

To add practicality and to fulfill our vision

Of aesthetics and a proper sense of place

We landscape to mindscape

To leave our imprints on the once

Virgin earth

Now new and improved

 

Another Mundane Moment

Another mundane moment

Like the hundreds before

And the hundreds after

Which together comprise my day

These humdrum instants

These unremarkable seconds

Alight without fanfare or flourish

Exist without much consideration

Punctuating an otherwise ordinary day

But today I will welcome the commonplace

I will rejoice in these streaming ticks of time

Today they are not dismissed as inconsequential

As tedious and uninteresting occasions

Rather I will see them for what they are

Precious episodes of reality…my reality

Influenced by my past

Predictors of my future

Attempts at randomized order

Fueled by my breaths

One after the other after another

Objects of my fleeting attention

And if I choose, my adoration

My life still clings to a routine eminence

Buttressed by an endless flow

Of mundane moments

 

Craving

To want something so bad it hurts

In a desperate attempt to achieve perceived happiness

We latch onto fantasies

Involving people and things

That if we had in our grasp

We think

Could bring us that special something that is missing

From our incomplete and unsatisfied lives

Instead of being grateful for what we have

We cling to illusions of what is better

And so often what we lust for is not attainable

It is so far out of reach as to be inconceivable

Why bother, we ask ourselves

Because we want it, damn it

We want it badly

That’s all there is to it

And we suffer as a result of our cravings

To yearn for the unreachable

Leaves us discontented and unhappy

Better to have simple and minimal tastes

To not expect more from this life what is easily available

Then we will be happy

Or so we tell ourselves

 

I Love It When

My favorite room is warm and inviting

The rhythm of Nature is viscerally experienced

Knowing that all of my family members are well

There is just the right amount of order in my world

The sun’s rays are the angle saying winter is ending

A picture captures that perfect sense of place

There is time alone to think, reflect, and feel

Enjoying the first sip of a great beer

She is happy

I feel another’s love

I get it

I am at peace

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Experiment That Is the United States

The year 2026 marks the 250th anniversary of the writing of the Declaration of Independence by statesman Thomas Jefferson. This numerical marker makes a good time to reflect on the multidimensional significance of the historic document and its continued relevance today. The Declaration of Independence has been called the “birth certificate” of the United States of America laying the ideological justification not only for the breach from the Kingdom of Great Britain, but also for the philosophical, political, and moral underpinnings of what was at the time the creation of a radically new type of nation state.

The Declaration of Independence is not a long document. It is only 1320 words. And most of those words are an enumeration of grievances against King George III and the British Parliament. The document is a rationale, a justification for why the residents of the British colonies of North America were warranted in severing ties with the Crown and establishing a new independent nation. This defense was well reasoned. Indeed, the reasoning applied by Jefferson on behalf of the revolutionary founders of the United States was demonstrative of the times during which this act occurred and the intellectual shift underway in the western body politic.

The late eighteenth century of Europe, and by extension America, was immersed in the historic period known as the Enlightenment. The Age of Reason, as it is also known, spanned from the late seventeenth century until the early nineteenth century. It was a philosophical and cultural progression that broke away from the traditions, beliefs, and superstitions associated with orthodoxies stemming from church, folklore, and monarchies. Rather, the intellectualism of this period encouraged rational thought, individualism, liberty, science, and religious tolerance. It marked a historically profound cultural, philosophical, technological, and political shift that continues to define our world today.

The American and French revolutions, and indeed the transition to democratic governance across many of the globe’s nation states, is attributed to the Enlightenment. In the modern era, even here in the US, many citizens are unaware of the philosophical foundation which led to the ideological establishment of the American republic. As school children we learn about the highlights of American history and customs and collectively think that is just the way it is, no questions asked. In adulthood we align ourselves politically with like-minded groups such as political parties, religious congregations and other values-based affiliations, but except for a few educated or curious individuals we do not spend much, if any, time thinking about how we got to be the commonwealth we see in existence today. The 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence is a good time for such a history lesson.

Since we are products of the Enlightenment, some background on how this groundbreaking movement began is pertinent. Social contract theory is the name we today give to the ideological evolution of individual people defining how we can most ideally live and flourish together, while avoiding the chaos and destruction of anarchy and disorder. With roots going back to antiquity, social contract theory gained extraordinary prominence through the works of a number of Enlightenment-era philosophers, notably Hobbs, Locke, Rousseau, and Voltaire. What these thinkers had in common was a belief in social order which would emerge from an emphasis on individual rights.

Prior to the Enlightenment most individuals found themselves to be either serfs, subjects, or slaves. The concept of citizen, as we know of it today, did not exist. These thinkers realized that humane societal organization depended on each individual having inviolable and absolute entitlements. Once it was agreed by all that each individual possessed birthright advantages that left them enabled to flourish as they saw fit, then individual lives would be enhanced and by extension the peace and prosperity of the collective would be strengthened. Justice in this new world order would be defined as each individual having the right of freedom to choose how to live their lives within the confines of respecting and honoring similar rights of all other individuals.

To ensure that such a society could function the notion of rights had to be carefully and succinctly articulated. Rights had to be widely accepted as credible and fair. They needed to be seen as foundationally natural, if not divinely inspired. Jefferson understood this. He knew that the justification for revolution, separation from Britain, and grounds for building a new nation needed to rest on a sound philosophical and reasoned cornerstone. The Declaration of Independence was to be the principled edict sturdy enough to bear this load.

To meet this challenge, Jefferson began the document by supporting and vindicating the founders’ actions on “the Laws of Nature” and “Nature’s God”. The concept of natural law, going back to Aquinas’s illumination of the construct in the thirteenth century, has been used to substantiate morally disruptive actions at key points in history, including in the case of the American Revolution. Jefferson realized that basing social and political progress on individual rights was crucial. The right to revolution and the right to form a government of, by, and for the people were extensions of the principle of individual rights. By associating the principle of human rights with nature and the divine was a powerful relationship to establish. The regimes of monarchy and the church could not match this claim intellectually. They had to rely on raw power instead to resist the ideology of democracy.

The sentence written by the quill of Thomas Jefferson which has endured the most over the past two hundred fifty years is, “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It cannot be overstated how profound this statement is in the history of human and social development. Jefferson, on behalf of progressive Enlightenment thinkers everywhere, concisely secured specific human individual rights to an endowment by God. By utilizing the tradition of natural law Jefferson identified the rights of all persons as a key feature of life itself, to freely dictate how that life is to be lived, and with a nod to Epicurus that a life in search of happiness is entirely permissible, if not warranted.

Jefferson and indeed most of the founders of the United States, in what has to be one of the great ironies of history, were heavily influenced by the British philosopher John Locke. Locke conceived of a state of nature—an original and innate condition of human life—as possessing the individual right to achieve and to preserve “lives, liberties and estates”. (By “estates” Locke meant property or the right to a safe and secure shelter.) Locke’s view of the state of nature was one of several competing for attention during the Enlightenment. They ranged from Hobbes’s pessimistic view that man was basically a self-interested egomaniac striving for grasping whatever they could from life no matter the consequences to others to Rousseau’s perspective that man is essentially a “noble savage” corrupted by having to live with others in an immoral power sharing churn called civilization. Locke’s state of nature could be seen as more optimistic. He identifies divinely inspired rights and the capacity to reason within humankind which give people the tools to rise above chaos, disorder, and misery. Practically speaking, we arrive at government by consent of the people with the prerogative to overthrow oppressive rulers so that the rights of all are protected. This outlook of the state of nature was the one adopted by the founders and is best articulated in the Declaration of Independence.

What sets apart the United States from most other nations in the world is that America rests on a bedrock of an idea. This simple but penetrating fact says a lot about why the United States is a grand cultural, social, philosophical, and political experiment. To better appreciate the conceptual novelty of the founding of the United States it helps to put the nation’s beginning into a formative perspective. When the modern nation-state began to emerge in Europe and then quickly spread worldwide in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries they were most often examples of ethnic and cultural groups practicing self-determination. Countries aligned self-identity with shared culture, including identity, language, and ancestry. Indeed, even today many of the globe’s nations contain an ethnic homogeneity. It is estimated that seventy to eighty percent of the world’s countries have common ethnicity within their borders as their chief identifying feature.

When America’s founders established a new nation on the idea of unalienable rights of freedom and equality they did not specify ethnic or cultural purity as a distinguishing national trait. Nor were any such attributes of tribal affiliation specified within the Declaration of Independence. Rather, to be an American meant allegiance to the fundamental ideas of government of, by, and for free and equal people, who were justified in overthrowing a tyrannical government that did not adhere to the principles of legitimate government and the individual rights of all citizens. Whereas most nations are based on native and historic characteristics of the residents, the United States was created on a grand and aspirational design—a scheme for a new and liberating way for people to flourish. This intentional national formation is intrinsic to what the United States is as a nation and to what Americans are as citizens.

Much is said, and rightly so, that the founders, including Jefferson himself, did not live up to the ideals contained in the Declaration. That is a fair criticism. As slave owners and as part of a dominating white onslaught which led to the deaths of countless indigenous peoples, the founders can hardly be called saints. They were instead a collective of flawed humans who were trying to make the world a better place, albeit incompletely and insufficiently. Should the lived reality of the founders and of the British colonists in general have been the standard of validity for the setting of future goals? Or could an aspiring ideal, a mission greater than the status quo, be the objective instead? As individual persons we often try to improve our lot emotionally, intellectually, financially, and in many other ways. We do not allow our current states to determine the courses of our lives forever. Similarly, the founders deserve respect and admiration for crafting an eloquent political construct based on Lockian principles. Theoretical, sanguine, and high-minded? Yes it was. Thank God!

What is more concerning to the American experiment is the lack of consensus internally regarding the ideals of Enlightenment-inspired democracy. In short, there is continual evidence throughout American history that there are significant numbers of citizens who do not believe and accept the full text of the Declaration of Independence. In particular, there is a segment of the political spectrum that rejects the notion of “…all men are created equal…”. The heart of the Declaration is its embrace of the pillars of liberty and equality. Freedom without equality is incomplete and a denial of universal rights. Freedom without equality means that liberty is reserved for an elite, a chosen constituency. Freedom without equality accepts a population of haves and have-nots, of privilege and disentitlement, of us and them.

This dismissal of equality was clearly evident in the history of American slavery. Humans who lived in this country were denied legal personhood, freedom, consent in government, and the ability to own property. Slavery was a complete contradiction of “unalienable rights”. Proslavery intellectuals in the American South such as John Randolph referred to the equality clause in the Declaration as a “pernicious falsehood”. John C. Calhoun’s take on the clause was that there was “not a word of truth in it” and Alexander Stephens, the Confederacy’s vice president proudly claimed that the Confederacy stood its ground on the idea that Black people were not equal. Senator James Henry Hammond, a Democrat from South Carolina in 1858 captured the sentiment of anti-equality tersely when referencing what he called “the mudsill of society and political government.” The mudsill upheld “…that other class which leads progress, civilization, and refinement. We use them for our purpose, and call them slaves.”

Racism is America’s original sin. Even after slavery was outlawed the stench of racism and anti-equality has lingered over the US. In the years after the Civil War Jim Crow laws, disenfranchisement, terrorism, segregation, and murder were directed at African Americans. Indeed, the use of democratic laws have been used to structure a society promoting a white ruling class that has had dominion over the basic rights of others. This country still struggles with a de facto caste system based on race, wealth, and traditional power. And this competition for universal unalienable rights has not been limited to African Americans. Native Americans, poor whites, and many immigrant groups have striven for a legal and social expression of the reality articulated in the Declaration of Independence.

This lack of consensus may lead to the undoing of the American experiment. An intrinsically true practice of democracy requires the complement of liberty and equality even as these principles also create a tension that needs continual calibration. Given the natural state of humans, unfettered freedom leads to the hording of power and wealth noted above, whereas unrestricted equality can result in a homogenizing of society such that individualism is smothered. Neither freedom nor equality in isolation is the better doctrine. As messy as the marriage of the two precepts can often be they must exist in tandem. Divorce is not an option.

The American historian and journalist Colin Woodward talks and writes about the need for a common agreed upon story that defines and unites all Americans. A story that replaces the lack of a shared ethnic heritage based on common ancestry or religion which coalesces many of the world’s nations. A unifying cultural/national story includes customarily accepted beliefs about national origins, purpose, who belongs, and future goals. Without such an integrative narrative cooperative action and basic perseverance are at risk. Woodward’s approach is to look to the Declaration of Independence for this story. This sentiment has merit. And what better time for the country to reflect on this story than now during our 250th celebration and when the country is so starkly divided on just what our legacy and mission truly is.

To base a national narrative on the premise expressed in the Declaration means to accept the concept of natural rights. The elements we most revere in the Declaration, foundational values of government of, by, and for free and equal people, including the right of revolution, are pragmatic linguistic expressions affirming that we are born with these natural rights. Whether handed down by God or as the primary a priori essence of being human we share a core and collective vitality with all others that is enhanced by the capacity to act as free individual agents. We do not all have to believe in a common religion to have this creed shape our national story. However, we all do have to endorse that everyone who can claim American citizenship, if not beyond, is born with natural unalienable rights.

The natural rights justification for a harmonizing national story stands in contrast to a competing claim that has appeared throughout American history—ethnonationalism. When social legitimacy is centered on restrictive standards such as ethnicity than exclusion of others becomes justified. Basing the authenticity of a person within the general community on their ethnic or racial origins, on what religion or lack of religion is practiced by their kin, on which gender they are, on their sexual orientation, on the geography of their birth, or on any number of exclusionary criteria meant to separate us as a people rather than to connect us is a divisive and therefore dysfunctional basis for democratic nationalism.

Nationalism without a rudimentary degree of oneness is contradictory. It makes no sense. Something rightful must underly the population of a nation. This places an obligation on each and every citizen to find a common ground, a central throughline, a brotherhood and sisterhood, which fuses the disparate members of the country into a true nation. It is worth reflecting on what our individual default mode is when we encounter another person, especially someone who is a stranger to us. Do we immediately look for and latch onto differences between them and us or do we open ourselves up to detecting attributes we have mutually? The latter promotes civility and acceptance. The former does not.

Blood and soil ethnonationalism is not the salvation for our nation. It can only lead to unnecessary and painful fragmentation and conflict. The United States is a diverse and multicultural country. Indeed, our success as a nation is rooted in our multiplicity. The welcoming of others from around the world to participate in this grand social, political, and cultural experiment of freedom and equality is embedded within the fabric of who we are as a people. Any American citizen, whether first generation naturalized or a descendent from the Mayflower can lay claim to their free and equal place within this multitude. This is the heart of our story.

At Gettysburg, Pennsylvania Abraham Lincoln crystallized the American story. “Four score and seven years ago,” he told an audience in November 1863, “our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.” On this, the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, we can rededicate ourselves to this proposition, to the sentiment of our founders. We can again repair the breech as history calls us once more to do. And from this collective effort we can emerge as a more perfect union.

 

The Allure of Pantheism

There is certainly no shortage of homes for spiritual seekers to choose among in this multifaceted world of ours. Conventionally speaking they seem to range from large institutional religions with historically deep traditional roots to contemporary charismatic spiritual movements with leadership who guide their aspiring flocks. In nearly every case, subscribing to a pious preference involves at least two inherent features—a community of like-minded disciples and a systematized doctrine exhibiting a path toward some conception of salvation. To many of the world’s spiritually inclined, these generalized qualities appear to be readily acceptable.

I contend, however, that there are a number of spiritual searchers who prefer a solo quest, the contours of which they construct individually, intentionally, and perhaps idiosyncratically. For them, the journey is every bit as stimulating and motivating as is endorsing any finalized faith or settled belief. It is to this type of explorer, this uncertain but committed pathfinder, that I dedicate the following words. I too desire a fidelity to a conviction of the universe, to a conceivable reality, and to all-there-is which feels at least plausible and hopefully authentic. By taking some time now to assess where I am currently in this effort may add some color to the perspective of others as they contemplate the big questions of God and nature and the metaphysical roles they play.

A significant shift in my spiritual contemplations occurred when I encountered Baruch Spinoza. And no, I am not going in the direction of branding Spinoza as some type of philosophical guru. Instead, I will say that what initially struck me as remarkable about this Portuguese/Dutch Jew from the seventeenth century was his enlightened and novel approach to perceiving God. He endured profound ostracism in order to present us with an idea that God was not a transcendent and distant all-powerful entity manipulating the universe from afar, but rather a living and animating force that pervades and is present in all things always. The suggestion that God is in us and in all things universally, most strikingly in Nature, instantly connected with me.

It is difficult for us humans to not think in terms of all-we-know in spatial and temporal terminology. The metaphysical implications of space and time provide plenty of grist for philosophers to mill, which is as it should be. Given the lack of consensus of the phenomenal vs noumenal role played by space and time ontologically, I accept that my perception of everything, including God, will be for now influenced by my consideration of the positioning and everlastingness of this divine potency. So, Spinoza’s claim becomes more coherent when he locates God universally as opposed to transcendentally. God becomes an inherent and elemental force in all of creation in contrast to a distant overseer of creation for all time. This spatial imagery especially resonates. It makes sense and feels right.

Speaking of imagery, another subjective benefit of this all-pervasive view of God is that the anthropomorphism commonly associated with conventional explanations of a transcendent being does not transfer at all well to an acceptance of God as the inherent essence of all-there-is. I have long been annoyed with the symbolism of God as a Zeus-like figure perched on high dispensing avowals of one sort or another down on His hapless figures scurrying about on the world He created. I have always imagined that this metaphorical style was considered more accessible to an unsophisticated populace. Perhaps, but now the notion of a supreme commanding figure appears to be a monarchical device meant to keep everyone in a holy line. This father God story may work for many as an adequate religious trope, but it does not work for me.

Spinoza’s identifying of a unified, immanent, and monistic reality is known as pantheism. This was not a term coined by Spinoza or by any of his forebearers. The descriptor begins to appear twenty years after Spinoza’s death in 1677. However, the conviction of a universal divine presence expressed in all things has a history that undoubtedly influenced Spinoza in his crafting of a systemized monistic metaphysic. There is evidence that the presocratics, in particular Heraclitus, spoke of the world as infused with an active Logos or natural order manifest in Nature itself. In time, the Stoics continued the sentiment of Logos as the force structuring all of creation. They promoted a view of a universal soul that merged God and Nature. Plotinus of Neoplatonism fame also pointed to a basic monistic power that defines all beings. The Irish philosopher and theologian John Scotus in the ninth century merged Neoplatonism with Christianity such that God was embodied in and of the world blurring a sharp distinction between creator and creation.

During the Renaissance of the fifteenth to seventeenth centuries a natural philosophy began to be developed which involved revisiting ancient philosophical texts, challenging medieval church orthodoxy, and refining views of the natural world. Two names from this period stand out in a discussion of pantheism. Giordano Bruno constructed a system that embraced the growing outlook of an expansive universe populated by numerous worlds that were all expressions of an immeasurable God. He spoke of a world soul that energized a natural universe, and which was not dissociated from God. Tommaso Campanella described nature as a living organism evinced by an all-encompassing awareness directed by God. The notion of an internal and omnipresent Soul or Logos combining God and the natural world became more established during this period.

How directly these western influences impacted Spinoza’s formulation of pantheism is unclear. We do know that his intellectual investigations were rooted in three source domains: Jewish scripture presented rabbinically, the Latin humanist and philosophical canon of his time, and the Jewish-Islamic-Aristotelian philosophical hybrid constructed by the twelfth century Jewish intellectual Maimonides. As a Sephardic Jew living in the Netherlands, he benefited intellectually from availability of a rich Jewish and Latin body of thought with the freedom to scrutinize texts and doctrine while in the context of a liberal and tolerant Dutch scholarly environment. Indeed, it is ironic that it was his fellow Jewish exiles from the Spanish Inquisition who were the ones imposing an excommunication on Baruch Spinoza over the very issue of his pantheistic declaration.

Orthodoxies strikingly similar to pantheism were to be found in other parts of the globe over the past two millennia or so, although transmission of these principles were largely unlikely to have been made aware to Spinoza. Let us take a quick look at some disparate examples. One includes classical Hindu nondualism known as Advaita Vedānta which claims that Brahman is the supreme divine reality. A separate world of appearances, or Maya, is chimerical or deceptive, since in truth it is merely a manifestation of the one Brahman. The parallels of Dao with pantheism is another instance of note. Both spiritual approaches share a belief in the ultimate reality being a living whole, a diffuse harmony here in the world before us, not elsewhere in a distant realm. Both reject a creator-creation dualism, but both embrace following nature as a virtuous path. There can also be identified a kinship between pantheism and Native American spiritual beliefs. The sacred is immanent throughout all existence within many Indigenous cultures, not unlike pantheism’s divinity of Nature. There is no differentiation between being in relationship with Nature and with great spirits or God. The land, rivers, and air are vivacious, alive, hallowed, and in harmony with people. Many other such correlations between pantheism and other spiritual/philosophical customs around the world can be revealed.

One heritage that likely impacted Spinoza’s development of a pantheistic paradigm came from his own education as a Jewish youth in seventeenth century Amsterdam in the form of the Jewish mysticism known as Kabbalah. It is entirely plausible that Spinoza was exposed to Kabbalistic writings, notions, and teachers. Primarily he would have gained from them the observance and liturgical practices associated with an unorthodox monism. This was expressed in Kabbalah as consisting of an infinite God being in communion with its creation of a finite existence. In this mystical view infinite possibilities are imaginable within this relationship of the infinite and the finite. A divine conscious presence is shared between God and God’s creation making all-there-is dependent manifestations of God with nothing existing beyond it. The universe is to be understood as revealing of the sacred reality.

As was Spinoza’s inclination, he did not accept wholesale the Kabbalistic interpretation of theism. He found it too oriented toward a personal God with an imposition of commandments and covenants on the finite world. Spinoza would have found this flavor of theism closer to what today we call panentheism, a pantheistic and transcendence hybrid. Rather Spinoza wanted his pantheism to have a highly rational and mathematical precision, a mechanistic and determinist outlook regarding God and Nature. As influential as Kabbalah mysticism presumably was on Spinoza, the rupture between his highly rational description of the relationship between God and the world and the more deferential Kabbalistic teachings of the faith’s elders led to Spinoza’s banishment from Amsterdam’s Jewish community. Regardless, pantheism now had an established presence in western philosophy and theology.

Spinozian pantheism was not initially well received. Indeed, it was harshly attacked. In general, ideas that disrupt the conventional wisdom, especially if there is institutional calcification defending a prominent position, meet with fierce resistance and obstruction. Many movements succumb to the onslaught. Pantheism did not. To be sure, Spinoza himself was cast out of Amsterdam and the Jewish community by the Jewish upper crust. He retreated to the Dutch city of Leyden where he spent the remainder of his short life working out his highly rational and deterministic philosophical system. In many decades following his death, pantheism and Spinozism were widely seen among the European intellectual elite as terms of derision. Charges of fatalism, moral degradation, and atheism accompanied the memory of Baruch Spinoza. The “civilized” western world was not yet ready to consider a philosophical or theological challenge to the idea of a personal or transcendent deity and the merger of Nature and God.

At this point I will admit to feeling one great hesitancy with Spinoza’s philosophy, which I see as tangential to his pantheism, although I accept that many others may see it as more integral. My reluctance pertains to the immoderation of his rationalism which led to a deterministic and mechanized view of the universe, and by extension to the divine. Therein lies a big problem. If the universe is so pre-programmed as to unfold in an exact and predictable manner, then where does spontaneity, variability and even chaos fit in? Foregone destiny seems too regulated. Free will could not exist within such a highly reasoned and algorithmic paradigm. Nullifying human self-determination is to rob people of an essential feature of their character.

Spinoza’s short life briefly overlapped with the later years of Rene Descartes, the philosopher most credited with the onset of modern philosophy and with the western devotion to rationalism and science. Clearly, Descartes influenced Baruch Spinoza. The excitement to elevate human potential through rational thought and mathematical precision while emerging from the stilted palsy of medieval scholasticism is understandable. That it inspired Spinoza and led to a lasting mark on western philosophy is evident. However, as we have seen, not everyone took readily to pantheism. Many did not easily embrace determinism either. Indeed, over time and due to its ardent rejection by the seventeenth and eighteenth century elites of Europe, pantheism shaped a debate that altered the course of western philosophy.

Gotthold Ephraim Lessing was an influential and well known eighteenth century philosopher, playwright, promoter, and art critic who is today recognized as having significantly impacted German literature. So, it came as a great surprise in the philosophical and literary world when in 1785 the German philosopher Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi disclosed that in his last conversation with Lessing his colleague revealed, “There is no other philosophy than the philosophy of Spinoza.” This revelation incited what is known as the Enlightenment’s “Pantheism Controversy” within what was to be German Idealism. The intellectual world in Europe had not forgiven Spinoza for his blasphemy. His works were still widely banned. Therefore, the sentiment of Lessing was a shock to the refined minds of the elite. What ensued was a vigorous debate that in many ways defined the German Idealism movement.

In my judgment, the resurrection of pantheism in the midst of Enlightenment-era rationality added a greater degree of validity and panache to the notion of God and Nature being one even as the conception underwent intense investigation and criticism. History appears to bear this out. Pantheism’s reemergence generated disputes that remain unresolved to this day. In particular there are the dual conflicts of reason vs. faith and freedom vs. determinism. Jacobi, mentioned above, contended that absolute reason inevitably led to a deterministic universe devoid of freedom, individuality, and a personal and providential God. Faith must have precedence over reason he argued. Pure reason looks upon God-Nature existence as axioms from which deductively arrived upon proven statements are derived. It is difficult to see where human moral responsibility fits into such a universe.

A redefinition of pantheism eventually surfaced which included variations of an acceptance of a vital, spirited, and divine Nature with human agency as a core shaping element of God-Nature. I see this notably in the work of Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph Schelling (1775-1854), one of the principals of German Idealism. As with other German idealists, Schelling attempted to reconcile Spinoza’s divinity of Nature with the unacceptable predestinarianism of Spinoza’s rationalism. Schelling devoted his life and philosophical inquires to refining Spinozian pantheism. The depth and richness of his work is far beyond the scope of this essay, but I will summarize his crucial contribution this way.

Schelling elaborates the sacredness of Nature magnificently in his Naturphilosophie (Nature of Philosophy). He described Nature as infused with and expressive of spirit such that it is ever energetic and changing; always inventive and autonomous; and consistently self-becoming, self-regulating, and self-generating. Nature in Schelling’s world is not inert and listless or the product of a remote God, but rather forever developing organically toward cultivation and improvement. Schelling gives devout texture and definition to the qualities of sanctified Nature. This description clearly aligns with Spinoza’s God and Nature oneness.

With regards to human agency, I am struck by Schelling’s conflating of the ceaseless unfolding of God-Nature with the continual emergence inherent within the human condition. Schelling proposed a radical idea that the one true reality was not, nor ever has been, a finished product but rather an unending process of expansion, evolution, and progress. Fixed laws of nature did not arise from a starting point of time unchanged and left hanging like a framed painting hanging in a gallery. And since we humans are a direct expression of the One, as is all of Nature, we too live our existences in a state of growth and potential with freedom to choose life’s path. Schelling makes clear that the divine condition is a struggle between a chaotic darkness and a liberating light. It is within this cosmic churn that we each craft our lives. Yes, God and Nature are one, and a crucial feature of this unity is how we each flower, how we each flourish, or not. The process of becoming is fundamental to all of existence, including to ourselves.

Pantheism had traversed from chastisement and damning from the time of Spinoza through to the reform attempts during the period of German Idealism. In the years since the early nineteenth century pantheism has refused to expire. Indeed, it lives on as an influence in a number of philosophical and literary approaches. Romanticism writers, artists, and philosophers had an effect of adorning the heavily rationalist approach of Spinoza’s pantheism with odes, poems, hymns, landscapes, and a reverence for Nature as sacred. In their reaction to the Enlightenment’s emphasis on reason the Romantics chose instead to smooth the differences between Nature, God, rational metaphysics, and the self. True reality was expressed in terms of emotions, imagery, and yes, the unity of Nature and the holy. Ordinary people were encouraged to be awe-inspired by Nature, ecstatic before the vastness and intricacies of the natural world, and comforted by the embrace of the world-spirit whose presence was all around them.

In time, pantheism retained varying degrees of relevancy in the philosophical trends of the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It was less meaningful in the context of the English speaking world’s immersion into logical analysis with its concentration of language and logic. However, continental philosophy and its tradition of phenomenology turns out to be a more welcoming environment for the monism of pantheism. Theologians unsurprisingly have struggled with any alternative to their theistic model of a transcendent God, but even among the world’s great religions there are those who are less threatened with the divine immanence quality of pantheism. To some it makes sense and it feels right even if the concept is not preached from on high. Today, pantheism lives on in debates about God, Nature, ontology, and reason. Encouragingly, pantheism appears to be more widely accepted and endorsed nowadays than at any other time in modern history.

Speaking of my own spiritual journey, pantheism at my late stage of life is highly relevant and worthy of my continued consideration. As one who has not fit well into dogmatic traditions and their institutions, the view of a God and Nature harmony resonates plainly and warmly. It is not difficult for me to assign faith, that trust inspired conviction which we all settle on in our own very personal ways, to pantheism. May my heart and mind change fundamentally concerning this topic in the future? Possibly it will. However, I do not see this happening soon. Rather, I am content to see my faith in pantheism as rooted in three themes that form the structure of my personal metaphysics.

Call it the One, the Logos, the Word, the Collective Soul, All-There-Is, the Divine, or God the common throughline is the monism of reality. All of what is known to us, from matter and energy detected by us through our five senses to the most rudimentary a priori intuition and cognitive capacities we are born with reveals reality and fundamental truth as springing forth from a single all-powerful and all-inclusive wellspring.

Divinity is not restricted to an external and transcendent deity, but is instead infused throughout all of reality. Separating the divine from the commonplace implies naturally higher and lower orders. This does not feel right. Humans, because of our fallibilities, assume we are unwholesome in a fundamental way. Yet, the whole package of the evil and the sublime throughout the universe are features of the immanent divine.

Nature, including humankind, is not a produced entity manipulated and managed from afar, but is the basic, if not exclusive manifestation of the divine one. The genesis of reality is centered on God’s impulse of self-awareness. Not unlike how consciousness is our way of seeing and knowing ourselves, the divine too expresses itself to itself. Nature is the self-identification of God, inextricably bound and related.

To the seeker, the curious, the wanderer, and the explorer I encourage an examination of pantheism. A faith-based construction comprising the three themes mentioned above provide a starting point for the searcher who is not afraid to step out of the conventional religious models in their quest for a meaningful and subjective spiritual home. May we all find life enhancing revelation and light on our journeys.

 

The Disruptive Nature of Process Philosophy

There is a vast and deep pool of erudite thought in western philosophy pertaining to process philosophy. I am strangely attracted to it even though I find it maddeningly reality warping. Easily recognizable is that this branch of philosophy is a bold attempt at offering an alternative paradigm to the conventional wisdom of materialist philosophy. Beyond that point however, the ontological and epistemological landscape becomes other worldly. Process philosophy wants to take us on a different kind of phenomenal trail. One that transcends all that was thought and accepted for a lifetime about actuality, about authenticity.

I have been delving seriously into western philosophy for five years now. So, when process philosophy started to take hold of me approximately two years ago I had enough of a developed base to be ready to try to comprehend it. Little did I expect that this was to be the daunting cognizance challenge it had turned out to be. It is fine to accept that committing to understanding process philosophy means for me a lengthy and at times confusing endeavor. Nothing wrong with being a beginner at something new. However, what strikes me most at this early stage of the learning is the mental disruption process philosophy is generating.

Before going further, this might be a good time to explain what I mean by process philosophy. The concept first grabbed my attention during my initial chronological study of the history of western philosophy when I was introduced to Alfred North Whitehead (1861-1947). A mathematician, logician, and physicist during the early part of his career he eventually shifted his attention and scholarship to philosophy and metaphysics. This transformation was much more than a career evolution. Whitehead proposed a radically different ontology to explain the nature of existence. He told us that reality is not formed by discreet elements of matter that exist autonomously, but rather that the fundamentals of all-there-is consists of the interrelationships among processes. Whitehead upset conventional wisdom by telling us in essence that the universe is not a noun, but a verb.

Process philosophy has taken on adherents ever since Whitehead and is today a position taken seriously by many credible philosophers both in and out of academia. It is a notion that is both believable and unbelievable—an enigma that both attracts and repels. A good place to gain a foothold with comprehending process philosophy is with the word “becoming”. Everything we know of is in a state of flux. Change which is both predictable and capricious is universal. A consistent theme within this ubiquitous process is the constant repetition of coming into being. Existence appears and disappears, sometimes simultaneously. What is foundational is that all things and events become over and over again. The universe appears to be, indeed, to subsist, in an ever active and regenerative manner.

Where this story gets very strange for western minds is that process has primacy over materialism both philosophically and scientifically. Physical matter constructed from molecules and atoms; the primordial stuff that keeps reshaping itself into everything there is takes either a secondary role within reality or else this galactic fabric is dismissed entirely as illusory. It is in this sharp distinction, this fundamentally divergent framing of certitude where the cognitive muddle begins. What to make of this contrast? Is there an essential truth supporting actual realism and if so, is this truth cleverly obscured or glaringly obvious? A journey into process philosophy will confront you with questioning all you previously thought and believed about what the world and universe are like.

Philosophical idealism has a lot to say. The mind is an immense and elaborate seat of consciousness. The magnitude of its richness and potential is beyond language to explain. Conscious experience appears to be foundational to all there is. Separating reality from pure subjectivity seems like an unprofitable venture aside from a possible interest in exploring metaphysical dualism. Perhaps Plato and Kant were onto something with their phenomenal and noumenal branches of existence. Maybe there is a realm of existence in which things exist in themselves independent of our perceptions. But how will we ever know? Without a mind we can never know if reality lies both within and without our awareness.

Idealism, the view that experience is elemental to sensing reality, in large part set the stage for process philosophy. In addition to jointly recognizing the primacy of experience, idealism and process philosophy also share a belief in the unceasing and dynamic creation of reality, and in a dismissal of static ontological materialism. To be is immutably linked to thinking and to think is an expression of being. To be and to think are active and not fixed states. To be and to think are always hand in hand leaning forward, always together onto the next thing.

One other core and defining element process philosophy and idealism share is an existential opposition to materialism. What I find most unsettling about this resistance to physicality is that I have always seen myself as living in a concrete and physical world made up of substances that naturally occurred as either solids, liquids, or gases. So, is process philosophy telling me and the rest of the western world that we are getting this perception of universal substance all wrong? To make such a declaration gives my brain pause.

Materialism proposes that existence is based entirely upon matter and its infinite configurations. All phenomena, including the workings of mind, are reducible to the constitution of substances and their interactions. As a result of our sensory abilities to perceive reality we have increasingly relied on sensorial observation. Empiricism came to dictate how we define reality. Science emerged as a discipline targeted toward determining predictable behaviors of materials and their interplay. Laws and causal powers of nature became codified, and a general belief arose that as we refined our observational capacity over time we would eventually be able to discern the underlying elements of matter and thereby peer into the true and immutable essence of everything. The materialist viewpoint became central to the conventional wisdom of western thought during the Enlightenment and remains the dominant sentiment to this day.

Resolving the most definitive and conclusive interpretation of nature’s true character, the process approach or the materialist tradition, will not be determined in this essay. Indeed, it may never be settled throughout the long arc of human history. Of note at this present time, however, is how can thinking people examine this process/material dichotomy in a way that beneficially tests ones assumptions, pushes one to seriously consider never before imagined ideas, and very possibly expand ones outlook on what is authentic and real.

The experience of cognitive dissonance comes to mind when contemplating the inclusion of process philosophy into an established materialist belief framework. This has certainly occurred to me. Like I suspect many people do, I was content thinking that the brain, through synaptic firing, gave view to a physical world that was always there and always would be. My brain miraculously gave me a ticket to sensing a universe that spent its time doing what universes do—transferring energy and reconfiguring matter. Idealism, and by extension process philosophy, shook up that lifelong impression. How am I supposed to now know what to believe?

Cognitive dissonance, the mental distress resulting from believing two contradictory ideas, can be a disagreeable place to be. Disequilibrium can be that way. It is a state of conflicting beliefs that leads to confusion and mystery. It is a disruption of values and attitudes that can be unsettling. Where cognitive dissonance gets really impactful is when one’s identity is aligned with one’s beliefs. Adopting new convictions can imperil one’s self-concept. Fortunately for many, this level of consequence pertains more to political opinions or professional scientific careers than to philosophical views. Nevertheless, selecting a novel way of considering the nature of reality does elicit, at the very least, carefully chosen cognitive modifications.

In my case, integrating process philosophy into my formally rigid materialist outlook is going to be, I suspect, a work in progress for some time to come. This endeavor compels me to humbly accept that I have a lot more to learn. Additionally, though, there is also my growing realization that deep ontological perplexities will most likely never be fully understood or universally decided by all of humankind at any given time. Rational investigation at some point yields to faith; a trust in unverifiable beliefs; a safe harbor for troubled minds. Given the chasm of viewpoints across the spectrum of humanity it is the height of haughtiness to think the one unifying theory of everything will ever be found and even more implausibly ever be widely accepted.

Nevertheless, we continue to try to comprehend; to know as much as we can about the primitive and fundamental source of all-there-is. I take some solace in accepting that the tension existing between a more processual or materialistic approach to metaphysics is a good thing. We gain a greater existential breadth and depth through an open minded exploration of both traditions.

The antidote for cognitive dissonance it turns out is to cultivate an ability to think counterfactually. Possessing an ability to envision alternative explanations and to accept the possibility that there may actually be something of value to consider in variant approaches can lessen cognitive rigidity and expand openness. Counterfactual thinking practice may settle for us an acceptable metaphysical paradigm to envision and accept, albeit a fresh one. And if we are lucky, more fluid thinking may even produce benefits far beyond engagement in philosophical debates.

The Relevance of Kant’s Categorical Imperative in Today’s World

In a world overflowing with demands, temptations, distractions, and possibilities one of life’s great conflicts is how to choose wisely. We discover at a young age that there will be a lifetime of decisions to make and that when selecting a course of action to satisfy making these decisions there is usually a single right way to act and many more wrong ways to act. Most, if not all of us, are compelled to determine which from among the array of options available to us is that one right way to go. Sometimes resolving which way to opt is easy and at other times agonizingly difficult. This very human predicament is as old as time and as relevant as ever during any era, including our own.

The topic I am attempting to introduce is the fraught notion of morality. When contemplating the very concept of rightness, we are necessarily entering into moral choice. For some people I will assume this is not an excruciating endeavor. I imagine there are those who are comfortable with their virtuous outlook on life and do not struggle with knowing what the right thing is to do each and every time they are confronted with a quandary. However, there are a whole lot of others, me included, for whom upright self-guidance is a frequent struggle. It is for us, the less than perfect, the ethically challenged, that I would like to direct the following exploration.

My initiation to morality as both a concept and as a precept was via the Catholic Church. The flavor of Catholicism I knew was practiced in Massachusetts, where I grew up. Therefore, Irish Catholics heavily influenced it. The people, family, neighbors, faith, and culture I first perceived were largely formulated by second and third generation Irish immigrants. I remember there being strict rules of engagement; hard and fast frontiers between what were acceptable thoughts, feelings, and behaviors and which were not. Morality was serious business. I was left more in fear of it rather than of awe, which meant I was compelled to either push against or to recoil in the face of such fear. My general reaction skewed toward confrontation of what I came to see as an onerous set of commands and controls. From the elders’ point of view, I slipped through the cracks.

My story is but one of literally billions of stories of how people are inculcated with moral principles—approximately 117 billion if we count past generations of people now long gone. Moral themes and values are influenced by the cultural traditions from which they arise and by the aptitude of those who take it upon themselves to pass on chaste lessons to the next generation. Therefore, moral truths are a direct reflection of the cultures from which they spring. Beliefs are disseminated with varying degrees of fine-tuning for the times in which they are expressed. As is to be expected, culturally derived morals will either clash with or integrate with the teachings of other traditions. Congruence can engender peace among disparate groups while discord among moral conventions can and does lead to serious conflicts or war.

I am drawn to wanting to understand the nature of morality. In contemplating morality one thing seems quite obvious at first glance. Morality appears to exist most often in a social context. When identifying common cross-cultural moral themes, they mostly pertain to how people should treat one another. Being caring, fair, loyal, respectful, and courageous are ordinarily accepted creeds of a social moral code. These descriptors serve as guidelines for ethical treatment of our fellow individuals. Perhaps, morality only makes sense within a collective situation. If so, that is fine, but accepting morality as commonly shared standards only makes it akin to a set of laws. Valuable and important, yes, but hardly carrying the weight of a divine or sacred fundamental tenet.

Some would point out that morality does have an internal subjective relevance. Another universal credo calls for each of us to be pure and sanctified. Even looking at this belief though, the directive to be spiritually clean comes from traditionally based sources, such as scripture or philosophical texts prepared by others. Morality as an absolutely intrinsic feature of an individual life would need to be a priori—a self-evident realization each of us is born with. The question then becomes, is morality at its core part of our hard-wiring as human beings or is its origin as cultural doctrine developed by wise elders and passed down from generation to generation?

A view for trying to understand the nature of morality can be gained by looking at how the Prussian philosopher Immanuel Kant (1724-1804) addressed this question. Kant is a towering figure in western philosophy. His sophisticated inquiries of ontology, epistemology, political theory, and aesthetics have been remarkably influential. As too have been his contributions to the philosophy of morals. His speculation and analysis about the significance and sources of morality and its role in what it means to be human was a momentous achievement. It is very hard to imagine considering the nature of morality, especially in the western world, without contemplating Kant’s moral system. Of relevance to this essay is the question of whether Kant’s moral philosophy is merely an interesting Enlightenment-era historical relic or if it retains guidance for modern people seeking to understand morality in their lives today.

It is helpful to know that Immanuel Kant was raised in a pietistic Lutheran family, which was a style of Lutheranism dedicated to religious devotion, Biblical literalism, and personal humility. This upbringing certainly influenced his manner and lifestyle. For example, he was known to live a very ordered and disciplined life. However, he devoted his professional life to philosophy, not to religion. That said, his intricate philosophical system regarding morality has a grounding in fundamentals that appear consistent with religious conviction. Kant believed in the requirement that morality must be defined within a framework of universal principle applicable to all people from all cultures. The concept of universality implies sanctified unity originating from a supreme and all-encompassing source. In Kant’s thinking, allegiance to this source is the foundation of moral canon.

As was typical of Kant’s intellectual style, he peered deeply into the essence of how the human mind, in particular its ability to reason, set the stage for each individual to choose the right path, to know what ought to be done, to realize the actions which are good in themselves. Kant identifies the mind’s a priori knowledge, a knowledge that is innate and not dependent on experience; a knowledge which by its very nature presents the human mind with what he calls pure practical reasoning, the springboard of moral law. Here too, we see the impact of Kant’s religious training—a belief in an essential goodness ingrained into the mind of each individual person. However, unlike the precursors of the Enlightenment, such as Descartes and Spinoza, who credited each person’s capacity to think just so far before claiming further responsibility for human cognition rested with God, Kant is content with asserting the human mind has all the potentiality it needs to derive moral truth.

From this starting point, Kant constructs a paradigm consisting of what he calls the Categorial Imperative—the virtuous obligations to be followed. Kant formulated a deontology or an ethical system in which personal conduct was based on what one ought to do and what one was obliged to do. My initial thought upon learning this centered on the author or originator of moral thought and deed. Surely an external and omnipotent presence must be decreeing moral law from on high. But no. Kant’s claim is that true unadulterated morality springs forth from the mind’s pure reasoning, the capacity we each have to exercise our free will such that the right thing should naturally be done. The things which ought to be done are self-generated and internally driven. This is an extraordinary claim and a stark departure from the scholastic theological tradition that dominated Europe since Aquinas. Human reason, the capability to think, draw conclusions, and form judgments are the source of our virtue.

Kant envisioned that collectively we could create a righteous society in which we could ethically monitor ourselves and each other. A community where people would not exploit one another for selfish reasons and where the dignity of each individual was to be respected. Kant’s Categorical Imperative strongly emphasized universality, the notion that human derived rational moral rules applied to all people equitably. A hallmark of the Enlightenment in general was the introduction of individual rights and egalitarianism. Kant contributed to this social advancement as one of the Enlightenment’s most profound thinkers when he implemented universality as a key feature to his morality project. Universality explicitly states that moral treatment of all must be more highly valued than the achievement of personalized consequences such as individual goals or desired outcomes. Respect for all of humanity and all individuals as an end in itself superseding private needs and appetites is a major attribute of the Categorical Imperative.

Another key element of the Categorical Imperative has to do with consistency meaning that moral choice must not contradict rational thought. The standards Kant used to measure rational consistency refer to logical congruity; universality; satisfaction of “perfect duty”; and respect for oneself and for others. I have previously mentioned the roles played by universality and mutual respect in Kant’s moral system, so I will turn my attention to logical congruity and perfect duty.

Logical congruity is my term for what Kant is talking about when he says “contradiction”. Kant cautions against a moral decision that negates reasoned thought. Take the behavior of deception, an example Kant uses in one of his works. He imagines an individual who intends to take a loan he does not plan to pay back. Deception is not moral because if this practice were universalized, then no one would lend money anymore knowing they would not be paid back. The behavior of deception contradicts the action of borrowing. This would be an immoral detriment to society because lending is an economically viable procedure. The same could be said of lying. If lying became a universal custom, then we would not believe one another leading to a serious social inefficiency, if not flaw, in the use of language. Practical language usage would be contradicted. Hence, lying is immoral. Similar examples can be imagined regarding theft, violence, infidelity, etc.

Perfect duty according to Kant refers to strict adherence by each individual (and collections of individuals) to consistently follow moral truths that feature universality, avoidance of contradiction, and reciprocal respect. To be a moral person means to guide oneself into choosing perfect duties at all times. We should fully realize the necessity of exercising perfect duties. A mind that is focused on pure practical reason, as Kant calls it, will naturally be a moral mind. It will do what it ought to do because the mind is pure in its intention. Moral systems are deontological in that they prescribe proper conduct. Religious constructs base their deontology on God’s wishes. Kant bases his deontology on the pure practical reason of individuals.

I return to the question I posed earlier, is Kant’s elaborate morality framework merely an interesting esoteric exploration or does it have practical benefits for people looking to lead a more intentional moral life? I would like to share my impressions in an attempt to arrive at an answer. I would also like to begin by noting why morality matters in our lives. Its significance can be assessed both at an individual spiritual and psychological level and also at a social level.

To state the obvious, mental health is necessary for a flourishing life. To a large extent our mental health, if we are fortunate to experience it, is a result of luck and fortitude. We are born who we are—an amalgamation of ancestral influences and environmental conditions. Given the rational capacity most of us have we forge lives of idiosyncrasy and uniqueness in what become our personal spaces. To flourish as individuals, we require degrees of cognitive astuteness and emotional solace. These can manifest in a variety of contexts one of which involves our moral resolutions. Developing and refining moral character into lives of integrity give us strength and means to fulfill lives of purpose. Survival may be our base necessity, but keeping our heads above the torrent of all life’s problems is not enough. Light has to shine to cultivate our souls. Moral endurance can illuminate our existence.

Development of personal soundness can bring a sense of peace and reassurance. However, to think of morality as solely a personal pursuit seems exceedingly incomplete. Morality plays its largest role in how it enhances the quality of interpersonal interactions. Living life can have profound joys, but it also has weighty challenges. Finding delights and meeting difficulties alone can be unfathomable. Reliance on one another to greater and lesser degrees is crucial. Trust and relative certitude about the nature and intentions of our fellow human beings is what we crave, what we require in order to endure and to blossom. It is here, in the deep connections with others; here where we give and receive; here where sustaining our individual and collective lives is the ultimate goal to which morality is fundamental.

At a practical level among the vast collection of all people the Categorical Imperative can and is seen as a high bar, as a strict standard to be practiced by each and every individual. It requires a universal deontological acceptance of right and wrong with no tolerable exceptions to the moral order. However, as we all know, there are people doing wrong all of the time and it is done because we each play a mental game with ourselves that allows us to make an exception to moral rules. For example, there could be a time when we take something that does not belong to us. We know that we do not want a world where everyone takes things that do not belong to them, but we justify to ourselves that our reasons for breaking the rule this time is warranted. We know that driving a car under the influence is wrong and dangerous. We want roads that are safe to drive our families on. Yet, even after drinking too much we get behind the wheel of our car telling ourselves that we can do it this time and that we will be careful. If we think about it, we can identify within our own behaviors instances of personal wrongdoing based on a greater desire to satisfy our wants, needs, and passions over the universality of what is morally proper.

Therefore, can a more than two-hundred-year-old moral philosophy formulated by a Prussian academic assist twenty-first century humanity in trying to find its way in this world? In my judgment, yes it can. Now it could be said that Kant’s morality construct is fanciful and utopian and not grounded in the cutthroat reality we see all around us. This a reasonable attitude to have. We can make claim that to always do what we ought to do is too difficult and impractical in all situations. But in assessing the utility of the Categorical Imperative I am not going to succumb to these perceived weaknesses. I will instead recognize and appreciate the elegance and spiritual nature of the model. Rather, I will allow myself to be attracted to the key aspects of the Categorical Imperative. Features such as morality originating from the mind’s capacity for pure practical reasoning; the universality of moral potential across all of humankind; respect for the personhood of others; and valuing moral rules that make perfect sense without contradiction for everyone are characteristics that give Kant’s framework both a metaphysical greatness and a practical usefulness. For anyone seeking to ground or reestablish moral direction in their life, Kant’s Categorical Imperative provides fruitful guidance and direction.

Philosophical Dissonance and the Modern Political Era

North American and European democracies are on the defensive. Electoral events, especially of the past decade, have forced a reckoning and a review of the alleged benefits of democratic rule—economically, politically, and culturally. Many residents of these countries have vociferously expressed a dissatisfaction with the outcomes produced by democratic leadership. Reversion back to more authoritarian styles of governance is competing for recognition and legitimacy.

The most obvious example for an American these days is the transformation of the Republican Party with its adopted dictatorial traits such as amplified executive control, erosion of institutional checks and balances, politicizing of formally independent institutions and agencies, manipulation of election processes, intolerance of dissent, and the spread of tainted information. This playbook or something similar to it is being duplicated in the forms of Hungary’s Fidsesz Party; Poland’s PiS Party; the PVV in The Netherlands; Vox in Spain; AfD in Germany; the RN in France; and others in Belgium, Croatia, Finland, Slovakia, and Sweden.

In the US, the election contest between Barack Obama and Mitt Romney, only thirteen years ago, seems like a quaint old electoral match in comparison to what elections look like now. The western world appears to be a different place than the relatively placid days of 2012. How did this transformation happen? How did this right-wing revolution come about? Why are we having to contend with this wild cultural swing?

Liberals, the left, and pro-democracy adherents are wracking their brains to try to understand this phenomenon and to know how to best confront it. The churn of perspectives, pieces of advice, and admonitions are fascinating to behold and will likely meld into a unified political counterweight at some point. However, my primary interest in assessing the liberal post-mortem is to see if there exists a fundamental causation triggering this political mutation. I want to know the nature of this right-wing antecedent.

(Note, my forthcoming argument will be specific to the American experience, which is my most reliable frame of reference. Whether my claim of philosophical dissonance carries the same weight in Europe and elsewhere is not a claim I am prepared to definitively make. However, I suspect there is a narrative arc.)

In an attempt to better understand the roots of the American right’s appeal I am going to play out a thought I have recently had. I have been hypothesizing that a significant motivator energizing far-right authoritarian movements may be that it is a reaction against the philosophical underpinning of liberalism’s adherence to analytic philosophy. What follows is my case for why the current analytic philosophy movement plays a causative role in today’s politics and a harmful one in part for today’s political left.

I need to give some contextual background to support my thought process leading to this speculative theory. To begin with I would like to be factually descriptive of the type of citizens who are drawn to the MAGA/authoritarian governance style. Secondly, I would like to examine the fundamental philosophical foundation that adherents to this movement both accept and reject. Thirdly, I must unpack in some detail what analytic philosophy is and how it holds such influence with the political left, particularly in the United States. From this review a better understanding may emerge that can assist liberals in assessing how their messaging is detrimental and in need of reform.

A start, therefore, is to take a look at the type of people who find Trumpism or the MAGA movement favorably. One of my favorite summaries of this cohort was written by the New York Times columnist David French on October 5, 2023, in a piece entitled How MAGA Corrupts the Culture of the White Working Class. In it French writes, “What are these working-class values, in the best sense? I don’t want to oversimplify a complex culture, but there are some common themes—directness in speech, a respect for traditional family structures and roles, a more instrumentalist view of work (your job is what you do, not who you are), adeptness at practical learning, a tough protective ethos centered on family and community, and a deep sense of honor and loyalty.

I find this a charitable description of a group that has upended French’s conservative world. Regardless, using this description we can see how a large component of the MAGA coalition, namely the white working class, reveres simplicity, tradition, and pragmatism. They see themselves as the forgotten ones—the ones by-passed by the well-educated elite who are too busy conjuring ways of creating and stockpiling wealth than to concern themselves with people who concretely and sensibly engage with the harsh world set before them. The combination of economic resentment and cultural pride sparks a motivation to fight back against what is seen as a fundamental unfairness in our society.

To be sure, the MAGA coalition is comprised of more than just the white working class. However, it is this group specifically who best personify the MAGA ideology at its core. Let us examine their perspective. The elite are seen as riding the wave of rapid economic expansion into the new and highly energized areas defined by technological development and globalized interconnectivity. Many in MAGA world are not attracted to this way of life. Sure, the money yielded would be nice to have, but not at the cost of constructing such a lifestyle. Time tested and honorable customs aligned with patriotism, religion, and regional mores are seen as more admirable. Change is something to be wary and suspicious of—and the quicker the change occurs the more defensive one gets.

Threats to a life of tradition abound. Increased immigration dilutes the demographic and ethnic mix of communities. Minority groups or integrative collectives tied together by racial, gender, and other civilizing traits, are outsiders who must be managed in order to protect the integrity of the tribe. Attempts by the elite to advance equality by promoting and practicing tolerance of distorted and abnormal causes such as gender equality, sexual adventurism, climate engagement, substituting philosophy for religion, free trade, and other “progressive” campaigns prompt resistance. Government institutions also have become corrupted by a tendency to officiate movements away from heritage and towards leniency and change management.

Retaining cultural conventions for the long term is difficult to do. One’s guard must not be let down. A strongman who sings from your hymnbook looks like an appealing figure to have marshalling the challenge. Indeed, loyalty to an authoritarian who can best disrupt and parry the elite’s misguided actions is exactly what is needed. It is even worth considering that the presence of a powerful protector is heaven sent and consistent with natural law. MAGA is not looking for a compromiser, but rather a belligerent and antagonistic adversary to justifiably confront their political enemies.

Strategies, approaches, and leaders aside I contend there is something more rudimentary afoot in what stimulates and incites the MAGA crusade. I believe the MAGA pushback against the left and liberals is in part a reaction to the way the left thinks and reasons—a style of viewing the world that is in some key ways opposing the perspective of no nonsense plainness and customary prudence embraced by today’s right. The gap between the right and the left is not just about stances on issues or policy positions but is philosophical in nature.

One could be justified in thinking that philosophical contemplation is not what consumes the considerations of everyday people going about their lives. Rather, we are faced with more immediate concerns of trying to engender for ourselves the most comfortable, secure, and fruitful lives possible given all of the headwinds modern existence throws at us. However, philosophy is present behind the scenes in influencing and shaping the choices we face and the decisions we make leading to how successful or not our attempts are in crafting the best lives possible.

Our chosen political persuasions are also philosophically based. We align with like-minded individuals to form coalitions that have throughlines of similar values, perspectives, and beliefs. Expectedly, tensions arise when political philosophies come into conflict with other worldviews. This is natural, even within communities within which there is much to unite us despite our differences. Unfortunately, times occur when the dissonance between political factions threatens to unravel societies as we are now witnessing with the rise of right-wing populism. So, how did this happen? Here is what I propose to explain what we see playing out in America.

During the twentieth century philosophy as a discipline in the United States and the United Kingdom became entrenched by a school of thought known as analytic philosophy. Historically speaking in the US, analytic philosophy supplanted a philosophical system known as American pragmatism, which was dominant from the late nineteenth century to the mid twentieth century. Simultaneously, analytic philosophy eclipsed a longstanding and extensive European philosophical outlook known as continental philosophy, which had a degree of influence among American public and academic intellectuals in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, albeit limited. Analytic philosophy remains the commanding philosophical school in the US to this day.

Analytic philosophy gained a foothold in higher education where its methodological emphasis on precision, argumentation, and linguistic analysis found a natural home. There is not a lot of daylight between the practice of science and the practice of analytic philosophy. Scientific exactitude and measurability directed toward reduction of phenomena to fundamental elements leading to predictions of phenomenal actions permeates our modern world. This is most evident in the enterprises that fuel our economy. Innovation, research & development, and technical advancement are vital forces necessary to remain sustainable and competitive in business. These forces rely on logical consistency, clarity of definitions, and argumentative thoroughness. We value scientific scrupulousness and therefore educated people feel it is instinctive to apply a similar style of preciseness to our philosophy.

However, I contend that there is a price to pay for such a strong reliance on analytic philosophy. Although most Americans will never have heard of analytic philosophy it nevertheless has influenced the manner of thinking practiced by elites, including politicians, policymakers, and the media. On the one hand, this implies that elites are thorough, rigorous, and meticulous in how they conduct their businesses, but on the other hand, Americans who do not see themselves as elite see instead a highly educated aristocracy using detailed and sophisticated language to describe abstract ideas and priorities which do not relate to the hardships of their lives.

Climate change is a pertinent example. There is plenty of data showing that manufactured climate degradation is a serious problem. But for many conservatives, it is a liberal problem, not one that helps pay the high cost of getting ahead in America. Closely related to climate change is the liberal concern over a clean energy transition to more sustainable and renewable sources, such as wind and solar. MAGA world views the introduction of alternative sources of energy as economically risky or irrelevant to their daily lives. Economic inequality is another liberal priority that befuddles conservatives. To them it is liberal elites who appear to be hoarding wealth with little concern for the needs of working class people. Voting rights and the preservation of democracy is viewed as a another sky-is-falling leftist battle cry attempting to make a catastrophe where there is none. LGBTQ+ rights to Trumpism just show how out of touch liberals have become with their ill-advised ideas by trying to engender an unnatural world.

I could go on but suffice it to say citizens who align with today’s Republican Party see the educated purveyors of liberal causes as steeped in misguided priorities and policy positions that are far removed from the important and meaningful matters of the common person. Beyond stances on specific policy and political issues what appears to most irritate the right about the educated left is the perceived attitude that leftists are superior sounding snobs who know better than the rest of us. Nobody likes a know-it-all and that impression has grafted itself upon the brand of Democrats and the left.

About 35% to 40% of Americans hold at least a college bachelor’s degree. These degrees range from fashion to finance and engineering to English and a whole lot more in between. We would be hard pressed indeed to find any college major field of study today that is not heavily impacted by analytic philosophy. As a result, those of us with college educations think and talk like people shaped by analytic philosophy—because we are! Perhaps the time has come for the educated left to ponder how analytic thinking contributes to a perception of being out of touch. And while we are on the subject, what is it in our philosophical outlook that is being left out or not adequately considered?

American cultural thinking and discourse has lost something important with its adherence to analytical conceptualizing and its relative abandonment of the influences of American pragmatism and continental philosophy. Together pragmatism and the continental approach do not feel the compulsion toward essentialism as does analytic philosophy. Boiling all experience down to rudimentary elements in search of the theory of everything steers our thought toward scientific clarity, logical principles, and precise language. This is fine and necessary for solving problems requiring technical and medical solutions, but not for assisting us in navigating the complexities of life with all of its subjective and objective calibrations.

There is a huge difference between abstract analysis inquiry and lived experience not unlike the gap between our cognitive selves and our emotional selves. Making meaning and adopting values are rich life endeavors both at a personal and at social levels. We are all faced with trying to make sense of life and how to best flourish given all of the opportunities and challenges we encounter. We are enmeshed simultaneously in wonderful potential but also with profound hazards. A politics that brackets and ignores the fundamentals of lived experience risks irrelevance. I think this may have happened with the left.

The philosophical traditions that have been sidelined in favor of analytic philosophy were not afraid to tackle these phenomenological layers of life. They saw history as helping to tell the story of their people. The peculiarities of culture and how traditions evolved were worth contemplating. How personal impressions of the world defined externalities, including other people, were to be examined. Literature and art aided us and enriched us as we tried to anchor some sense out of this fluid and messy existence. This approach to thought, as uncertain as it can be, is to be embraced and celebrated. Might this attitude be finding a home in populism? I think it may be.

I see ways in which the current brand of American populism overlaps with the existential approach of continental philosophy and American pragmatism. A huge connection pertains to this notion of lived or ordinary experience. Populism is defined as centering on the common affairs and issues of everyday people. Populism values being grounded in the real world. They do not dig too deeply into the ontological structure of existence beyond the story religion tells. To use the all too trite phrase these days regarding the world—it is what it is. It is in the American spirit that we find practical solutions to confronting the problems that we share. Ten-point plans of action usually do not cut it. And when the time comes to celebrate we try to remember to rejoice in simple ways despite our current technologically complex existence.

Populism is not as anti-change as it appears at first. Experience presents us with countless situations that require us to revise our ideas and practices. However, in doing so we are reminded of a heuristic presented to us by the fourteenth century Franciscan friar William of Occam who instructed western thinkers to debate competing reactions to similar phenomena by selecting the simplest approach, the one with fewer twists and turns and plots and schemes. Subjective experience keeps us in touch with how we feel and think. We face the world internally with various degrees of abstraction in our attempts to make meaning. It is necessary for those who engage in high levels of rational absorption while trying to pin down reality to realize that for many others a plainer and more straightforward process is preferred.

This uncomplicated preference for unsophisticated and unadorned answers over theoretical constructs sets the stage for populism’s attack on the analytically educated elite. Historic institutions run largely by the educated and privileged have served as the glue which holds society together. Nevertheless, they are now seen as entities entrenched in formalism and over-rumination. They have become a waste of fiscal resources and a danger to the status quo by imposing unwanted social transformations on traditional thought and practice.

Also, the populist view on the nature of change may mean that they are not as much of a threat to democracy as is commonly assumed. Democracy requires measured amounts of modification in order to keep government relevant and the citizenry cohesive. Thomas Jefferson told us as much. Pragmatism as a philosophy proposes that democracy requires continual reform and reconstitution. Combined with continental philosophy’s emphasis on community engagement and a willingness to question authority and we are left with an apparent acceptance of the general principles of citizen rule. I realize that can be obscured by the openness to authoritarianism, which is a serious contradiction, but peel back some layers and I am willing to bet that we can find that democracy still beats in there.

Enlightenment era democratic traditions will always undergo upheavals. It is conceptually innate to a system spawned by the maxim of rule by the people. We will necessarily wrangle with competing visions and rival notions of truth and reality forever. So what?! This does not have to be an existential crisis for our country. Hope does not need to be unceremoniously thrown overboard. Common ground can be found.

Speaking as a center-left liberal, lifelong Democrat, and hopeless political junkie I encourage adding an, uh, well, analysis of the impact analytic philosophy is having on political discourse, partisan relevance, and socially divisive engagement. Liberals are picking their way through the woods, looking for the trail they stumbled off of, so that they can find their way back to power. I therefore offer consideration of philosophical dissonance as a contributing factor in finding our way out of the wilderness.

The Economics of Scarcity

It is interesting to ponder how an economic system can come to exist. Afterall, it is completely a human made invention with the lofty intention of improving the lives of humans. Economics as a discipline cannot pin its origins to naturally occurring phenomena such as biology, physics, and chemistry. Also, there was no stone tablet handed down from an omnipotent being with economic principles etched upon it. Rather, as we humans evolved individually and collectively we developed concepts, beliefs, and speculations about how to work with the environment we found ourselves in—with all its resource limitations and abundances—to craft a system leading to the best lives possible.

To better understand how economic systems such as the market economy of capitalism or the command economy of socialism were formed historically it is useful to look at the role played by philosophy. Philosophy has endeavored to discern the human condition and state of mind of a person at its most basic levels, giving insight into the roots of political and economic motivations. A philosophical strategy to determine the reason an economy becomes what it is involves knowing as much as possible the fundamental urges of discreet individuals regarding survival and flourishing. It is there, at the source of human self-awareness, a state of nature if you will, where the scrutiny needs to begin.

The Chinese philosopher Mozi (c. 470-391 BCE) depicted a state of nature in which individuals determined and followed their own “moral” rules. Not surprisingly, he recognized this led to social disorder. The remedy according to Mozi was to establish and apply a single moral order enforced by a powerful ruler. A generation later and in another part of the world the Greek philosopher Aristotle (384-322 BCE) alleged that “man is by nature a political animal”. This obvious but simplified observation however does not tell us enough about people’s intrinsic pre-political nature. It took the Italian expert interpreter of Aristotle, Thomas Aquinas (c. 1225-1274), to develop Aristotle’s remark within a state of nature context.

Thomas Aquinas agreed that humans are instinctively social and political. Even so, Aquinas delved deeper by articulating what he saw as natural law or practical and rational standards that incline people toward moral goodness. It is natural, according to Aquinas, that people innately want to accept that “good is to be done and evil avoided”. Natural law was the path to divine or eternal law or God’s way. Being teleological, Aquinas saw proper collective action as an extension of the ethical purposiveness of the person. Since humans are fundamentally social, then natural law lays the rational and moral groundwork for how people are to conduct both their individual lives and their communal or political lives.

Centuries later, during the years leading up to and including the Enlightenment there transpired a more widespread attempt to identify the raw pre-political state of mind of humans. The impetus for this effort was embedded in the political philosophy of the time to settle on a humane and functional theory of social contract. The need for a more just, humanitarian, and functional set of rules, laws, and habits to guide society and government took on an increased urgency beginning in the sixteenth century. Philosophers held that by better understanding the natural state of humans as a starting point a superior social contract better binding the members of a social collective could come about.

Prominent at the outset of this trend was the Englishman Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679). Known among many as the philosopher who famously claimed the life of man was “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short” and who saw human nature as entrenched intrinsically in self-preservation. Such hard wiring meant humans, if left to their impulsive selves, would be perpetually at war and conflict. A social contract that emphasized curtailing some individual freedom in return for order and security was crucial for a society to survive and to thrive.

John Locke (1632-1704), also from England, had a more a charitable view of the human state of nature than did Hobbes. Locke speculated that humans fundamentally viewed themselves as grounded in equality and freedom. He nevertheless recognized that disputes do arise among people and that a social contract codifying basic human rights of life, liberty, and property was necessary. The Frenchman Charles-Louis de Secondat, also known as Montesquieu (1698-1755), attributed self-preservation as the primary motivation of humanity. Community and society were fashioned out of fear that without fellowship among all people the lives of individuals would not be sustainable.

Also from France, Jean-Jacques Rouseau (1712-1778) maintained a favorable view of people as essentially a good and peaceful lot who enjoyed their freedom. Where he differed from the other thinkers I have mentioned is that he saw society, and particularly the institution of private property, as degrading influences on the core purity of the individual. The necessary social contract according to Rousseau was one aimed at restoring the authentic equality and freedom of people.

In the twentieth century the American political philosopher John Rawls (1921-2002) reformatted the state of nature concept to one he called the “original position”, a pre-political position in which individual people live behind a “veil of ignorance” regarding the needs, desires, and statuses of others. He did not concern himself with what natural proclivities were possessed by people in a natural state as did Hobbes et al. Rather Rawls was trying to get at what would constitute a universal system of societal justice. For Rawls, the original position ensured a greater degree of fairness and objectivity free of prejudices necessary for the formation of a social contract leading to a just collective.

Historically, social contract theory has been fundamental in the formation of advanced moral, political, legal, and economic structures. The history of thought highlights the types of social contracts exercised by communal and collective groups whether of traditional cultures or of modern nation states. What has persevered is a set of constructs accentuating the most pertinent values defining social life. Ethical principles such as consent of the governed, rule of law, natural rights, limits of power, codification of constitutions, social order, welfare of all citizens, and obligations of the individual among others lead to a civic virtue sustaining the common good.

From this political and philosophical churn appears economics, the modern versions of which can be said to be an outgrowth from social contract theory. There exist standards of reciprocal responsibilities between individuals and the collective which delineate the rights of each, identify regulations of goods and services, specify methods of production, and stipulate means of resource distribution that together make up an economy. To view the economy of a society is to regard the way the people think of themselves and each other. A moral code is in part reflected by the economic practices and conditions exhibited within a wider community.

The most common economic models in the developed world at present are the market economy, the command economy, and the mixed economy. The market economy, also popularly referred to a capitalism, emphasizes encouraging private interests and business to control production and the distribution of resources. The calibration between the supply of goods and services relative to consumer demand for those goods and services determines prices and distribution with minimal influence from government. Voluntary consumer and producer choice, competition, profit motive, and private ownership are key features of the market economy.

The command economy, generally thought of as socialism, places significant control of the economy with government as a centralized authority. Resources, production, consumer choice, prices, distribution, and economic planning are state controlled. The mixed economy blends parts of the market economy and the command economy and is the most common economic style of the developed world. Government and private enterprises interact to greater and lesser degrees of collaboration resulting in a hybrid economy.

At this point, I am interested in examining one particular feature of the market economy that has intrigued me for a few years now. That is the phenomenon of scarcity. Why would an economic system like capitalism tolerate scarcity of a good or service that is in demand? And if only a segment of the population experiences scarcity while another segment does not, why is that permitted? There seems something fishy about scarcity to me—as if it is a flaw of either the economic system or of the people accepting such a system. So, I decided to look into the matter.

To be clear, I am not talking about what I guess we could call natural scarcity. If I am sitting at home in New Hampshire during the month of December craving fresh New Hampshire strawberries, the kind that are only available in late June or early July, well no economic system is going to provide those to me. Similarly for fresh surface water in the middle of the Sahara Desert or clean air in downtown Bangkok. Falling short of having availability of desired resources at a wished for time in a limited location is often the way life is. We may not like it, but we have to either accept it or try to move heaven and earth to satisfy our sought-after desires.

Rather, the scarcity I am questioning can best be illustrated using some examples. There are obviously people around the world who need food. However, in a capitalist system governments or agribusiness will sometimes intentionally destroy or limit access to food in order to maintain a particular price for the food products, instead of getting unsold foods to people who need them. Another example involves the current housing shortage. Construction and sales of new housing are curtailed through stringent zoning laws in order to keep property values and rents high and to restrict population growth in a desirable location. There can actually be homelessness and vacant properties within a short distance of one another. Finally, within the electronics industry planned obsolescence of popular devices and appliances cause them to fail sooner fostering purchases of replacements more frequently than is technologically necessary.

The above examples are known in economics as artificial scarcity. This is a purposely planned for scarcity designed to inhibit market abundance and preserve the highest prices possible. It turns out that artificial scarcity is a major feature of a market economy. So, how did that happen? To find the answer we need again to take another peek back into history.

Starting as early as the twelfth century, but most significantly from the fifteenth century on, there occurred in England a practice known as the Enclosures. In pre-capitalist agriculture arable land was common land. A relatively informal utilization of the land’s use was self-managed among the populace. Private ownership was not yet a dominating force. However, as privatization became a more accepted practice land owners forcefully expelled peasants in effect creating land scarcity. The argument from ownership was that this new system was more efficient, a claim that remains to this day although the language has changed to terms like price control stability.

Capitalist thinking largely rests on the notion of supply and demand. Price is determined as a function of determining the level of demand for a given supply of goods and services. If demand is high, but supply scarce, then the result is a higher price per unit of supply. The inverse of low unit prices for weak demand and abundant supply is of course true also. Therefore, it is rational for consumers to make purchasing decisions based on what is perceived as a fair price and for suppliers to set prices based on demand. A supplier will want to have enough supply to meet demand, but at the highest price possible.

It helps to view artificial scarcity as manipulated or controlled scarcity. This often means suppliers manipulating or “optimizing” supply in order to set the highest price possible. We can think of this practice as profit incentive. There are a variety of means used by business to achieve optimal profits. In general, a supplier is motivated because they believe they can offer a good or service that is in demand at what is for them is the best price. This motivation finds expression in a number of actions.

Intellectual property laws, such as patents, copyrights, and digital rights management, are used to earn a return for creators’ insights and toil. Another effect is to constrain access of production to only those willing to pay a high price. Issuing limited editions and marketing exclusive brands can have a similar restraining effect. In the realm of commodities or more basic and common products actions like price supports are often used. Typically, a government practice, price supports such as production quotas, subsidies, and price floors help to structure scarcity by bypassing a more natural competitive balance.

Sometimes scarcity management can get extreme. Destroying unsold inventory, including even food, to engender shortages. Paying farmers to keep fields fallow to prevent over-supply. Stockpiling and hoarding “surpluses” to control item prices. As mentioned earlier, limiting housing construction by local governments or by property developers to maintain high property values and rents or to curb population growth. Also, designing planned obsolescence into a manufacturing process to ensure customers keep coming back for more. There are a lot of tricks to induce scarcity.

And this leads us to the obvious morality-related criticisms of artificial scarcity. The common good suffers from intentional impediments being placed on the availability of food, housing, and other goods and services required for everyone to have a chance at living a flourishing life. Reduced supply and artificially set high prices essentially is a restriction of inventory to a portion of the population. Additionally, resources are squandered when manufactured goods are destroyed, housing not constructed, and food left to rot. This leads to negative environmental results with wasted reserves and to economic consequences that sustain poverty. It can also be argued that intellectual property protections actually slow the rate of innovation and stifle competitiveness monopolistically.

At its essence, the dispute between a pro-capitalist rationale for artificial scarcity and a more cautionary perspective on this aspect of capitalism can be described as a lack of agreement regarding the meaning of equality. As I see it, the pro-artificial scarcity side sees allowing for individual economic initiative in the form of inventiveness and hard work as equal opportunity for all, which is as egalitarian as society needs to be. The con-artificial scarcity side would claim that an ethical obstacle emerges when society is bifurcated between those with market might and those who are less economically influential, in other words between the rich and the less affluent or poor.

I cognitively see both arguments but find that emotionally and spiritually I side with the capitalist skeptics who question this ethically weak facet of capitalism. To be clear, I am sympathetic to the equal opportunity position and in many cases realize that guaranteeing equal outcomes is not feasible. I also am not going to lose sleep over price fixing for luxury items that are not necessary for the wellbeing of low-income people. However, when it comes to essentials, such as food, housing, medicines, and care services, artificial scarcity has no justification. There is no such thing as surplus when there are people whose welfare is being threatened due to a lack of essentials.

Artificial scarcity intensifies inequality. The extreme inequities between the richest Americans and everyone else is now accepted fact in the US. This threatens democracy and has in large part given rise to the demagoguery of Trump and the MAGA movement. Most importantly, institutionalized inequality is contrary to a key tenet of the Declaration of Independence, one of the founding documents of the United States and one of the most direct links between the origination of the US and the Enlightenment. It was in the writing of the Declaration that the principles of individual rights, freedom, and equality became beacons of light for the new country.

Capitalism has undeniably provided great abundance and a higher quality of living for many millions of people than would have been possible under previous economic systems. Nevertheless, unfettered capitalism can lead to a number of social ills, including erosion of community solidarity, unfair treatment of labor, environmental degeneration, and over-commercialization of basic goods and services, among other misfortunes. An appropriate degree of governmental and internal industrial regulation is required in order to check the troubling consequences of pure capitalism. Controlling for the more harmful varieties of artificial scarcity is among the justifiable actions to be taken.

 

Hume’s Valiant Challenge to Christianity’s Dominance

I have long had a fraught relationship with Christianity. Raised as a Roman Catholic in a Massachusetts family with Irish roots I was taught to revere the institution, which I did until I did not. Indeed, throughout much of my life I became a Catholic rebel or eschewer more content with finding fault with the Church than looking for the virtues, which to be honest I have always known were hidden there among the layers of hypocrisy, intolerance, and self-righteousness.

What follows is the kind of Christian story that still appeals to me. It is a kind of David and Goliath tale of an individual standing up to a far superior power. The commanding strength of the Church pitted against a single wily and crafty intellect. To set the stage let us review how Christian supremacy came to reign across Europe and the western world.

Christianity has long played a paramount and highly influential role in the life and history of the European continent since the fall of the Roman Empire. The collapse of Roman rule in the western part of Europe is generally dated to the year 476 CE, the date the Germanic chieftain Odoacer ousted the last Roman emperor who controlled the western part of Europe, Romulus Augustulus. (Of note, the eastern Roman Empire, also known as the Byzantine Empire, lasted for another thousand years. The Great Schism of 1054 permanently separated Roman Catholicism in the west from the Orthodox Church in the east.)

The theological underpinnings of Christianity had been codified just prior to the fall of the empire in the form of the teachings of Saint Augustine. These stringent, uncompromising, yet to many revered dictates on topics such as the meaning of original sin, the necessity of salvation, the reach of God’s omnipotence, and the rigorous dedication required for each individual to pursue a spiritual journey set the stage for influencing western European religion and culture for many centuries to come.

With Augustine’s theological structure in place the Roman Catholic Church became one of the only significant institutions remaining from the empire that represented social steadfastness and constancy in western Europe. As the seceding centuries transpired a blend of the growing power of popes, the expansion of monasteries, missionary zeal, conversions to Christianity among royal lines, political marriages, military partnerships, and cultural intermingling led to the establishment of Christian kingdoms and religious unification across much of the continent.

It is difficult to overstate the authoritarian importance of Christianity across western Europe. As the faith became more entrenched across the continent the very identity of Europeans became defined by their adherence to Christian doctrine. Culture, social order, education, the arts, and personal conduct were decreed from the papacy in Rome as the Church replaced the empire in its universality. Indeed, state control in the form of feudal systems collaborated companionably with the Church to sustain and defend Christian orthodoxy.

Over time, however, cracks began to appear in papal control of western Europe. An eventual establishment in and slow rise of nationalism led to challenges of papal sovereignty. This was clearly evident during the Avignon Papacy of the fourteenth century when for seven decades seven consecutive popes left Rome to govern the Church from Avignon, France. Disputes with French royalty and instability among Italian states resulted in Rome being temporally abandoned by the Church creating an impression that popes were not as invincible as previously thought.

Of course, the most significant confrontation to Roman Catholic control of European religious life was the Protestant Reformation of the sixteenth century. Northern European religious reformers beginning with Martin Luther and John Calvin and nation state rulers such as King Henry VIII of England among others dared the papal preeminence on matters of theology, liturgy, and jurisdictional reach. By the end of the seventeenth century religious wars, internal corruption, political transformations, and theological disagreements permanently ended the Roman Catholic Church’s hegemony over the religious life of western Europe.

Nevertheless, western Europe remained under the ecclesiastical sway of Christianity, albeit within the two churchly provinces of Roman Catholicism and Protestantism. To challenge the core of Christian canon with an alternative doctrinal conception was close to unheard of across the continent. To be sure, spiritual variants existed in medieval Europe although they were always limited in their reach. Folk and pagan traditions, heretical factions, mystical and charismatic visionaries, Jewish and Muslim communities, and general doubters and skeptics were evident, but restrained in their capacity to seriously narrow the scope of Christianity.

Rather, a dogged defiance of Christian creed that could not be easily ignored came from an Enlightenment-era philosopher, in the person of David Hume. Born in Edinburgh in 1711 and raised in the Scottish Lowlands close to the English border Hume became one of the deepest thinkers and greatest intellects of the eighteenth century. When I first began studying western philosophy my initial impression of Hume was that he was a radical empiricist. Nothing I have learned about him since has dissuaded me from that original notion.

David Hume presented a much more extensive body of philosophical thought than merely religious critique. His explorations involving epistemology, skepticism, ethics, and early psychology were sweeping, but it was Hume’s radical empiricism that prompted him to confront the frailties he found apparent in religious thinking—with Christianity, the prominent religion in his culture acutely in his sights.

Hume’s entire philosophical project rested on core assumptions chief among them that human beings are simply too restricted in their ability to perceive anything beyond what sensory experience reveals. A grand metaphysical structure, whether it be divine or solely physical, is an abstraction outside of our capacity to comprehend. All we can know about the world begins with our sensory impressions; those vibrant connections we make with the world external to our minds. These impressions convert to ideas which are the thoughts and conceptions we mentally construct as we reflect on our sensory experiences.

By rejecting metaphysics as a credible invention due to the lack of a direct tangible sensorial connection between humans and any alleged existential actuality, Hume concedes that we humans can never know the true nature of ultimate reality. Because of our epistemological limitations, which are confined to our senses, we cannot prove the existence of any transcendental realms or realities. This would include the existence of God, which most Christians of the eighteenth century (and indeed today) still view as a transcendent being. If God cannot be proven to exist, then by extension all the works and effects believers claim are the result of God’s actions are also called into question.

At the time of Hume Newtonian science was in full development. What science was exposing was that the universe had order—from the movement of heavenly bodies to the flow of blood within our own bodies. Surely, many contended, a grand design was evident in the makings of the universe, which deists and theists claimed was the handiwork of God. However, Hume was having none of it. How do we know God designed the universe? And if God did design the universe why did he design one with so many faults in it?

Hume intentionally engaged with conventional Christian thought assailing key tenets by consistently basing his commentary on his premise of the prominence of sensory experience. Take the causality of the universe, a fundamental discourse in the eighteenth century that goes as far back as the pre-Socratic philosopher Parmenides. Most agreed that whatever exists must have a cause for its existence. Afterall, nothing can come from nothing. Furthermore, no cause can manifest perfection unless the cause itself is perfect. God, an immaterial, intelligent, and perfect being must be the preeminent cause of the universe.

Not necessarily so said Hume. To begin with the typical claim of cause and effect in general is faulty. Because we observe repeated sequences does not establish causation. These common and everyday repetitions we notice in our lives only highlight typical courses of action, not causal relationships. Could we therefore not also be incorrect about claiming God as the cause of the universe? What sensory experience can we attribute to God creating the universe? Such a declaration exceeds human awareness.

Hume’s skepticism extends to religious conceptions of souls, miracles, and the idea of future states of being in heaven and hell. Humans are driven by emotions and passions and not by reason according to Hume. We want to share as social creatures in the glorification of common convictions, moral judgments, and belief in God. Custom and habit motivate our behavior. Our ideas about religion are based more on feelings, imaginations, and what we think works best. Abstract reasoning and identifying divine purpose are not our strong suits. Religion will not solve the ultimate mysteries of existence, but it feels good for many to enlist in spiritual community and to practice traditional rituals. David Hume is content to leave religion to that.

Hume is not an atheist in the way we typically think of a non-believer. To me this is revealed in his approach to the age old problem of evil in religion. Most atheists I hear say that because evil clearly exists in the world, then that is proof God does not exist. Hume’s method of relying on sensory experience can no more disprove God than to prove God’s existence. So, he states the obvious. God may or may not exist. We can never know for sure. But what is evident is that pretenses to God’s infinite goodness are suspect in a world where evil abounds. Hume calls into question what kind of God is it that permits evil? And on that point Hume is not alone.

We also do not find Hume rejecting morality. Rather he devises a secular set of ethics that rests on human nature and conduct which promotes happiness and reduces suffering. Religion is not required to live a life of integrity and goodness. I think Hume would have agreed with the future Abraham Lincoln who said, “When I do good, I feel good. When I do bad, I feel bad. That’s my religion.”

It is difficult with a twenty-first century perspective to fully appreciate how socially and politically thorny it was for David Hume to confront the established Christian thinking of eighteenth century Britain. He showed awareness of knowing he needed to temper the presentation of his convictions when for example he expounded his critique cloaked in the guise of a fictional character’s dialogue. He was known also to conduct self-censorship. What is unmistakable is that he exposed himself to a hefty dose of inconvenience and distress.

Hume had very much wanted to be appointed to ethics and philosophy teaching positions at both the University of Edinburgh and Glasgow University. However, religious authorities consistently discouraged such appointments due to their claims of Hume’s heresy and atheism. The Catholic Church’s Index Librorum Prohibitorum or List of Prohibited Books included all of Hume’s books in 1761. Although never completely followed through, The Church of Scotland also began an action to try Hume for infidelity.

His personal life fared no better than his professional one. Throughout his life his critics referred to him as The Great Infidel and as an atheist. He was shunned by many of the professional class, although not by all intellectuals. In short, he existed as a controversial figure for presenting alternative views to the ideological norm. The time in which Hume lived is now referred to as The Enlightenment, but plainly that did not mean the period was fully illuminated.

As David Hume faced death during the summer of 1776 there was a public captivation across Britain with whether or not The Great Infidel would renounce his irreverent skepticism. Another great Scottish Enlightenment philosopher and friend of Hume’s, Adam Smith described Hume’s final days as buoyant and calm with no reservations of his beliefs evident. Another philosopher friend, the pious James Boswell, was beside Hume’s deathbed and gave his friend an opportunity to experience a last-minute conversion. But it was not to be. David Hume died as he had lived—content with his philosophical skepticism and steadfast in his convictions.

 

 

 

The Significance of Persuasion

An important life task we continually find ourselves facing is to instill change in how others think, feel, and act. Even though attending to our own thoughts, feelings, and behaviors is a full time endeavor we are nevertheless motivated to express ourselves toward others with the goal of affecting them in some way. We are compelled to leave our mark. Our egos need a sustenance that is only satisfied by community interplay, whether of one or of many. And from this contact we want to influence.

Are there responsibilities to be associated with the practice of persuasion, of which we should be aware? Yes, there are. They exist on two sequential levels. Foundationally we need to ask, are the grounds for attempting to persuade another justified ethically? Secondly, is the question of efficacy as in exercising best practice when endeavoring to persuade another. In this piece I would like to explore the concept of persuasion by trying to examine these ideas to see what emerges as a constructive impression. 

Persuasion as a practice is rooted in ethics. One can be a skilled influencer and adept at getting others to adopt their perspective, but if the cornerstone of the exhortation rests on deception, manipulation, and a lack of responsibility, then persuasion is perverted and corrupted. Conversely, if convictions are expressed within a principled context of virtue and decency with an eye toward improving the lives of others, then the persuasive effort is warranted. Persuasion is more than a skill. It is either a respectable exercise to add value or a tainted technique that rewards depravity.

Although I am examining persuasion as comprising two domains, ethics and efficacy, ethical underpinning and proficiency need not to be seen as separate matters. For example, we know that without building trust the intended persuader will not be effective. So how to build trust? By demonstrating fairness, honesty, and trustworthiness, which are ethical instances. A fundamental element of persuasion, establishing trust, is therefore both ethical and tactical.

Another example involves the persuader respecting the independence and freedom of the listener. Talking down to and forcibly coercing others to bend to one’s will is an egregious form of persuasion. It may accomplish inflating the ego of the persuader, but it does so at the cost of belittling other people and losing their respect. An alternative approach that utilizes the free agency of the listener will gain their respect and make them more amenable to processing and possibly accepting your position. Again, ethics and efficacy meld.

An elementary component of persuasion is to see the endeavor as an attempt to benefit both parties, the persuader and the recipient. Through initiation of openness, transparency, and making forthright what the intentions of the persuader are, the recipient can exercise their powers of reflection and reason to either make a change or adhere to an opinion. A perversion of persuasion is to have the exchange out of balance. When only one side of the equation receives value, then the interaction has devolved into manipulation and exploitation. Persuasion is best when it is a collaboration.

There are many reasons to employ persuasion. Team motivation, conflict resolution, product marketing, growing relationships, decision making, trust building, communication enhancement, and career growth are among the most common. The throughline is to encourage change — and hopefully change for the better.

Scholars who have studied persuasion come from multiple disciplines, specifically communications, social psychology, marketing, and leadership. As is the case with scholars they examine a topic like persuasion by identifying the constituent parts of the method and from those devise theories, models, and principles which when understood can better prepare one for involvement in the practice with a greater likelihood of success. It is useful to learn what conclusions they have formulated.

Persuasion is necessarily practiced as a dualistic dynamic. There is a party delivering a message and another one receiving the message. The quality and conditions of the interchange matter in determining if persuasion is reached or not by one party to the other. As with any interplay there will or will not be a fit in that a persuasive goal has been achieved, partly attained, or not fulfilled at all.

Let us look first at the party attempting to persuade. To increase chances of success the source of the messaging must be viewed as appealing as in being credible and trustworthy. Expertise does still matter, so projecting knowledge and competence is crucial. Context is also notable. If the interchange is occurring within a hierarchical order such as on the job the power dynamic is qualitatively different than if the exchange was occurring among peers. As the external power of the persuader increases so too do the chances of manipulation or coercion, whereas establishing a connection in which each party feels they are on a similar level has a greater likelihood of fruition.

Audience characteristics play a key role in the ability of the persuader to succeed no matter how good they are. It is critical to read the audience. Are they motivated to change, concede a previously held view, and comply with a new understanding? If audience motivation to change is low one of two things may occur. Either they will accept a temporary shift in their thinking in hopes something will be gained, or they will reject the message entirely. Conversely, if the audience is eager for a fresh perspective with a high prospect for reward, they are more likely to discern the logic of the message and adopt it.

Robert Cialdini of Arizona State University, a recognized expert in the field of influence, promotes tactics to make for a more persuasive fit between persuader and audience. (Above comments regarding expertise and persuader/audience parity are from him). The way the persuader hones and presents the message can make a difference. Soft skills directed to the audience like showing warmth and respect while downplaying power differences make persuasion more likely. Giving the audience permission to voluntarily accept opinion changes rather than demanding them is influential as is ethically expressing information as somehow exclusive or privileged just for them.

This brief examination of persuasion cannot be complete without mentioning its role in politics. Political discourse has always been heated, but never more so than in our always-on 24/7 modern-media saturated world. The messaging from all angles can be viewed as forms of attempted persuasion. Positions are staked, rationales are given, and arguments are made all in earnest attempts to convince an audience, which it is hoped, will lead to a building of support and diminishment of an opposition’s status.

However, as we have seen, persuasion without validation is hollow. When attempts at persuasion devolve into attacks the result most often is a fortification of opinions from those whose beliefs are meant to be changed. Rhetorical combat may clarify one’s standpoints and solidify their prestige within one’s tribe, but it rarely persuades. To be significantly influential one is required to demonstrate caring, support, and common ground with the other side. Without a significant degree of validation for one’s political opponents, attempts at persuasion are an exercise in futility.

To be persuasive, whether in politics, leadership, within a career, or among friends we hold close is not easy. To be persuasive necessitates being knowledgeable, well intentioned, skillful in communications, and above all kind. It requires stepping out of the rigid confines of one’s ego to try to make the world a better place for everyone, not only for oneself. This may be the most challenging feature of persuasion — being virtuous more than just being right.

Classical Liberalism in the Modern Era

In essentials, unity; in doubtful matters, liberty; in all things, charity. — attributed to St. Augustine

There are times in modern history when the Hegelian dialectic forms the basis for social and political change. The thesis represents the status quo; the antithesis introduces deviation; and the synthesis emerges as the new normal — at least for a time.

One such metamorphosis occurred during the initial rise of industry from 1760 until 1840 with another iteration evident from 1870 until 1914. Broadly speaking the Industrial Revolution marked a formidable displacement away from reliance on hand craftmanship to machine manufacturing as the primary means of production. Mechanical power was harnessed to vastly expand product output and in the process the world was transformed.

The Industrial Revolution did not spontaneously combust. It became conceivable because a philosophical foundation was set to make it possible. A school of thought developed characterized by reason, empiricism, pragmatism, and a systemization of knowledge gain. In the west, social confinement finally began to shift away from the combined dominance of Church teachings and monarchial/aristocratic decrees as the sole roots of incontrovertible truths and guidance for all humankind.

The period known as The Enlightenment began in the mid-seventeenth century with Descartes and Newton and lasted until the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815. The rational and scientific upheaval of this age of reason made possible the Industrial Revolution. Of significance was the synthesis of the many cultural, political, economic, and technical outgrowths spawned by development of industry.

We not only live at present with the technological and economic features of industrial capitalism, but also with its principal social and political theory known as classical liberalism. From the churn of new philosophical and scientific thought emerged a transfigured social order. A novel conception of what it meant to be human surfaced emphasizing the worth of the individual person. A looming fatigue and disdain for playing the role of chattel manifested. The human condition had had enough of subjugation and exploitation.

Classical liberalism began with a revisitation and reformulation of the concepts of the state of nature and natural law. Though interpretive consensus was lacking there nevertheless existed a prevalent and rising belief in an a priori substructure to the human condition. One that stated inconclusively that we are all born with common qualities, most importantly with universal rights. If there is a clear-cut and explicit focal point to the birth of classical liberalism it is with this crystallization of human rights.

In our hearts we never strayed from Aristotle’s claim that to be fully human means to flourish. Philosophy of the seventeenth century sparked a renewed reverence for what it meant to thrive, to try finally to live a life of wonderment, prosperity, and joy. However, recognition of our sacred solitariness alone was not enough to sustain it. We shared the world with others. We all had the right to flourish. We all wanted the same thing and therein lies the challenge of the collective for the individual.

Classical liberalism was a social contract. A systemized way of honoring individualism within the context of society. John Locke contributed much to articulating how this social contract was to be perfected. Locke perceived the budding natural law ethic of individual rights as consistent with his view of the human as free and equal in the state of nature. And revolutionary for his time, Locke saw the rights of the individual as superseding the authority of monarchs.

The macro movement of limiting the power of monarchs inspired Locke and led to his social contract theory, which became an elegant construction, the influence of which lives on to this day. A key hallmark of the social contract prescribed that government, a concept that Locke admits did not come from natural law, but which was a necessary creation of humans nevertheless, should be constituted and exercised by the governed, by the people. Its key purpose was to achieve social harmony by ensuring all could prosper.

To execute the social contract Locke composed a political theory that centered on four central functional elements for government to follow:

  • Individual Rights to protect the freedoms of each person
  • A Rule of Law that is applied to all equally
  • Limited Government to safeguard against tyranny
  • Economic Freedom as the means of achieving abundance

The job of bringing the classical liberal social contract to fruition fell to the early post-church and post-monarch nation states during the eighteenth century, primarily Britain, France, and the young United States. Despite their respective fits and starts and idiosyncrasies what eventually materialized were the liberal democracies, a movement that in time became globally pervasive due to its civilized capacity to merge individual rights with shared decision making. Consensus grew that liberal democracy best secured and expressed the values of classical liberalism.

Adherence to classical liberalism exerted within the context of representative democracy constitutes a humane and effective means of ensuring opportunities for flourishing of all people within a given society. One is hard put to see a system that is better. All other methods of command and control demonstrate an imbalanced concentration of power of one sort or another. Over-convergence of power, whether it be in the form of government, religion, corporations, monarchies, oligarchies, aristocracies, or media, eventually leads to hierarchy, domination, oppression, and a diminishment of individual rights and checks on power.

Retaining classical liberalism is not easy to do, despite its popular appeal. There are muscular forces in most societies which feel constrained and checked by broad and equal disbursement of rights. Classical liberalism promotes sharing of power and wealth among a citizenry. Those with a tendency toward hoarding power and wealth do not want to contend with these fundamental and vexing aspects of liberalism. Rather, they pine for a more traditional and antiquated arrangement in which some people, as in their kind of people, are better than others and more deserving of power and wealth.

Today we see such a regressive social and political movement in the form of illiberalism. This emerging ideology directly challenges classical liberalism. The traditional but menacing leadership practices associated with autocracy, dictatorship, all-powerful monarchs, and a privileged well-heeled class are always at hand. There is a rich history reaching back millennia of groups and individuals who believe in their hearts and minds that an entitlement class is necessary to ensure that a society or national state retains its cultural conventions and to prevent social descent into chaos and debauchery. They alone possess the means and abilities to best steer the populace.

The latest iteration of this authoritarian heritage is illiberalism. This perspective views classical liberalism as anathema to their mission. Illiberalism prides itself on advancing national sovereignty and what is known as national essentialism, an interpretation of a historic national core comprised of a founding people with valued originalist traditions and practices in need of preservation. It promotes a political culture that rejects change and attempts at progress in favor of customary rituals.

To further the illiberalism project, adherents renounce individual freedoms among those not included among the chosen people. Multiculturalism, cosmopolitanism, and extensions of rights to minorities are shunned, if not forcibly curtailed. Limited government is also abandoned as power is concentrated into an all-powerful executive. To accomplish executive consolidation parliamentary and judicial systems are diminished and enfeebled.

Economically, illiberal supporters do not trust free trade and tend to be highly protectionist despite the many examples of economic decline wrought by protectionism such as high consumer prices, trade wars, inefficiency, supply chain disruptions, and reduced market access. Indeed, illiberalism is ambivalent about free enterprise in general. Its controlling nature can lead to cronyism and state intervention into economic decision making, not unlike communist practices.

Not surprisingly, illiberalism lacks enthusiasm for foreign policy that engages too much with the world and instead favors isolationism. Multilateral treaties and multinational institutions are seen as inconsistent with sovereignty and so are spurned. In the case of the United States, which has played a unipolar role internationally since the end of the Cold War, continued influencing of advancing democratic principles globally is also in conflict with illiberal thought. The conviction remains that a nation state can and should conduct its own affairs in its own interests with as little contact with others, as necessary.

Illiberal political parties are proliferating around the world. Their presence is now found in Hungary, Poland, Türkiye, Brazil, El Salvador, Venezuela, India, Philippines, Russia, Israel, Tunisia, and Egypt — and now here in the United States. The Republican Party has abandoned conservatism for illiberalism, and we have a president, who along with the majorities in Congress, practice it.

The Hegelian Dialectic acknowledges that social change happens. Political inertia is not to be expected. However, it is the quality of the antithesis and the resulting synthesis that most matters. The great challenge for our time in America and around the world is to see if the ideals of classical liberalism, which remain a revolutionary enhancement in governance, can survive and thrive in the face of a world disrupted by contemporary technologies and a globalized economy. Illiberalism represents a regression to times and methods ill-suited to address modern problems and opportunities. Rather, illiberalism is based on fear and insecurity and deserves to be soundly repudiated.